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5 Effects of Interpersonal Crime on Victims
CATHERINE HAMILTON-GIACHRITSIS AND EMMA SLEATH
CHAPTER OUTLINE
5.1 INTRODUCTION
5.2 CHILDHOOD VICTIMISATION 5.2.1 Definitions and Measurement
5.2.2 Incidence and Prevalence
5.2.3 Effects of Childhood Maltreatment
5.2.4 Resilience
5.3 ADULTHOOD VICTIMISATION 5.3.1 Intimate Partner Violence
5.3.2 Rape and Sexual Victimisation
5.4 SUMMARY
LEARNING OUTCOMES
BY THE END OF THIS CHAPTER, YOU SHOULD BE ABLE TO:
Understand possible effects of interpersonal crime that occurs in childhood and/or adulthood and the impact that has for individuals, their families and the community
Appreciate the methodological difficulties inherent in studying child maltreatment and how to interpret studies with different methodologies
Understand the implications of existing findings for prevention of, and interventions following, different forms of interpersonal violence.
5.1 INTRODUCTION
Interpersonal crime in the form of violent and sexual victimisation often begins in childhood, but also affects many adults – women and men – who can be victims of rape and/or intimate partner violence (IPV). These forms of victimisation often have both short- and long-term effects for individuals in a variety of domains, including physical, psychological, social and interpersonal relationships. Effects can also be seen at a community level, through financial costs (care for victims; criminal justice processes) and indirect impacts on society (e.g. fear of crime). Whilst not inevitable, negative effects from childhood abuse and neglect have been shown to include mental health difficulties, educational disengagement and behavioural difficulties, as well as increased risks of further victimisation and/or becoming a perpetrator of abuse of others. In adulthood, victimisation is often associated with poorer physical and mental health outcomes, which can severely impact on the function and quality of victims’ lives. This chapter will briefly review the definition and extent of interpersonal crime, followed by discussion of the short- and long-term effects of victimisation in childhood (i.e. physical, sexual and emotional maltreatment) and adulthood (i.e. rape and intimate partner violence). Reference will also be made to research on resilience, which demonstrates that some individuals can continue to function well across their lives even following these negative, traumatic experiences.
5.2 CHILDHOOD VICTIMISATION
5.2.1 Definitions and Measurement
Physical, sexual and emotional abuse and neglect can occur either within or outside the family. Current definitions for the UK are shown in Table 5.1, but definitions both here and in other countries may vary according to the era, cultural context and profession using them (Cicchetti & Toth, 1995; Ong, Hamilton-Giachritsis, Butterworth, & Law, in preparation). For example, in the UK, the effects of witnessing intimate partner violence was recognised as a form of emotional abuse later than other forms of abuse and neglect had become accepted. More latterly, definitions have extended to include other areas, such as female genital mutilation, forced marriage and online grooming.
Table 5.1 Definitions of childhood maltreatment (Working Together to Safeguard Children, Department for Education and Skills, 2006)
Physical abuse Hitting, shaking, throwing, poisoning, burning or scalding, drowning, suffocating, or otherwise causing physical harm to a child or failing to protect a child from that harm. Physical harm may also be caused when a parent or carer fabricates the symptoms of, or deliberately induces illness in a child.
Sexual abuse Forcing or enticing a child or young person to take part in sexual activities, including prostitution, whether or not the child is aware of what is happening… May include non-contact activities, such as involving children in looking at, or in the production of, pornographic material or watching sexual activities, or encouraging children to behave in sexually inappropriate ways.
Emotional abuse The persistent emotional maltreatment of a child such as to cause severe and persistent adverse effects on the child’s emotional development… It may involve seeing or hearing the maltreatment of another… Some level of emotional abuse is involved in all types of maltreatment of a child, though it may occur alone.
Neglect The persistent failure to meet a child’s basic physical and/or psychological needs, likely to result in the serious impairment of the child’s health or development… Neglect may occur during pregnancy as a result of maternal substance abuse. Once a child is born, neglect may involve…failing to protect a child…or the failure to ensure access to appropriate medical care or treatment. It may also include neglect of, or unresponsiveness to, a child’s basic emotional needs.
One of the key difficulties in assessing interpersonal crime is gaining accurate estimates due to differences in source of data and methodological variations (e.g. definition used, sampling strategy, measurement tools). There are also differences between studies that use official data (e.g. reported to child protection agencies) compared to self-report, since not all cases come to the attention of the police and social services. For example, a national study in the Netherlands found that only 12.6% of cases were reported to child protection services (Euser, van IJzendoorn, Prinzie, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2010), with other studies showing similar findings (Fallon et al., 2010). Another source of variation is that differences in definition also impact on the rates of maltreatment recorded; in a sample of 303 maltreated children in the United States, neglect was found to have occurred in 70.1% of cases, but only 41% of these cases were recognised by child protection professionals (Mennen, Kim, Sang, & Trickett, 2010). Thus, interpretation of study data needs to take account of the methodological difficulties inherent in this area of work.
5.2.2 Incidence and Prevalence
Rates of maltreatment are usually reported in one of two ways: incidence and prevalence. Incidence refers to the number of cases reported or detected within a set period (usually one year), whilst prevalence is the number of individuals who retrospectively report experiencing maltreatment during childhood (usually aged 0–18 years for child maltreatment). Costs associated with child maltreatment can also be calculated in similar ways. For example, in the United States, child welfare costs for the year 2005 were estimated at $23.3 billion (prevalence costs; Scarcella, Bess, Zielewski, & Green, 2006) and up to $80 billion by 2012 (Gelles & Perlman, 2012), but the lifetime costs of child abuse and neglect reported in 2008 were estimated to be between $124 and $585 billion dollars (incidence costs; Fang, Brown, Florence, & Mercy, 2012).
In terms of incidence rates, at 31 March 2015, there were 49,700 children in England who were subject to a child protection plan (42.9 per 1,000), with 62,200 children over the whole year, 16.6% of whom were subject to a plan for a second time (Department for Education, 2015). Table 5.2 shows a breakdown by type of malt
reatment. In terms of age, there is a fairly even split between the age groups 1–4, 5–9 and 10–15 years (28.5%, 29.7% and 26.1% respectively), with 10.5% under 1 year olds, 3.1% 16 plus and 2.1% unborn babies (Department for Education, 2015). However, it has been said that, based on rates per 1,000 of that age group, the highest rate of registration in England and Wales is for children under 1 year of age (Department for Children, Schools and Families, 2008).
Table 5.2 Children under 18 years subject to a child protection plan in England in the year up to 31 March 2015 by type of maltreatment (N = 49,690; adapted from Department for Education, 2015)
n
%
Neglect 22,230 44.7
Emotional abuse 16,660 33.5
Physical abuse 4,350 8.8
Sexual abuse 2,340 4.7
Multiple or not recommended 4,110 8.3
A comparison of UK, European and American rates shows some similarities across countries (e.g. Denmark and UK) but when the definition is extended to include all referrals and any reports of concern, such as in the National Incidence Studies, this tends to produce higher rates (Table 5.3).
Table 5.3 Incidence rates in UK, Europe and USA*
Rate per 1000 children Sample Source
UK 3.5 Children subject of a Child Protection Plan, 0–17 years Dept. For Education, 2010
Denmark 2.7 0–17 years Riis et al., 1997
Netherlands 6.9 National Incidence Study 0–18 years Euser et al., 2010
USA 17.1 National Incidence Study 0–18 years Sedlak et al., 2010
USA 43.1 (range by State: 15.4-104.3) National referral rate (not accounting for substantiation or duplication) U.S. Department of Health and Human Services et al., 2010