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Doctor Goebbels: His Life & Death

Page 98

by Roger Manvell; Heinrich Fraenkel


  that it would be a tough decision to sell to the German people, though no

  doubt the Führer would bring it off. The tenor of his coming speech, Hitler had said,

  would be magnanimity.

  What he did not mention to Goebbels was that he had just begun staff studies on a

  war with the Soviet Union.58

  They decided that Hitler should stage a triumphant homecoming to Berlin that

  Saturday, July 6, and make his Reichstag speech two days later.59

  Goebbels hated the idea of offering an easy peace to Britain.

  Dramatic events came to his rescue. Under the armistice terms Hitler had just

  allowed the defeated French nation to retain is powerful battle fleet, though disarmed

  and under German supervision. Concerned that the Nazis might somehow

  seize the biggest warships, lying at anchor at Oran (Mers el-Kébir), Churchill ordered

  them sunk on July 3, the day after Hitler and Goebbels met. Over a thousand

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  French sailors died in the ruthless naval bombardment. This incident dominated a

  quarter of Goebbels’ entire domestic propaganda output for the next four days,

  while the personal abuse levelled at Churchill equalled the colossal intensity first

  reached after the Altmark incident.60 Goebbels’ private admiration for Churchill rose,

  as his diary shows. Moreover, the British were still bombing Germany. Hitler however

  still restrained his own bomber force.61 ‘The Führer,’ the minister marvelled,

  ‘has the patience of an angel.’ He directed the press to focus their attack on Churchill

  and his clique alone. This was not easy, as the entire British press was ‘chortling with

  pleasure’ about Oran.62

  BERLIN’S reception for Hitler on Saturday July 6, 1940 was the most spectacular that

  Goebbels ever staged.63 He had issued a million swastika flags to the crowds lining

  the route, and he himself broadcast the excited running commentary as the train

  bearing the conquering warlord hauled into the station at three P.M. to an accompanying

  cacophony of church bells, factory sirens, and steam whistles. Once inside the

  Chancellery Goebbels asked him what he had decided and learned that the British

  fleet’s attack at Oran had unhinged all of Hitler’s plans. ‘He had his speech almost

  complete,’ recorded Goebbels, ‘when the attack occurred. It has brought about an

  entirely new situation. Churchill is a raving lunatic who has burned all his boats

  behind him.’ ‘Nevertheless,’ Hitler lectured him, ‘we must be guided not by hatred

  but by common sense.’64

  Hitler postponed the speech. He came out to Lanke that Sunday, and played with

  the Goebbels children. Several times during the coming week Goebbels lunched at

  the Chancellery with Hitler and his ministers, and heard him daydream about his

  postwar plans. He was going to build an autobahn from Carinthia in southern Austria

  all the way up to Norway’s northernmost cape, with a gigantic new naval base near

  Trondheim like Britain’s Singapore. Darré, another lunch guest, recorded, ‘They

  couldn’t decide whether to call it Atalantis (Himmler’s suggestion), Atlantis (Frank),

  Northern Light (Ley), or Stella Polaris (Goebbels).’65 But these were castles in the

  air because, Goebbels noted, Hitler was still unwilling to deliver the final blow. In

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  fact, said Hitler, he was now going to retire to the Berghof to think things over; he

  left for Bavaria that evening.66

  JUST as Hitler hankered after his peacetime hobby of architecture, so Dr Goebbels

  dreamed of retiring to a country estate and firing off magisterial newspaper editorials.

  67

  With the birth of Das Reich, his new national weekly magazine for the intelligentsia,

  part of this dream came true. He contributed a highly-paid, regular leading article

  which would come to be quoted around the world as a real sensor of Nazi policies.

  Appearing every Saturday from May 26, 1940, Das Reich became the flagship of

  his journalistic career.68 It was well designed, its prose was literate, its photographs

  superb. It was particularly popular with the officer corps.69 Its circulation hovered

  around a million—‘a rare publishing success of which I was not entire innocent,’

  Goebbels wrote.70

  The large circulation involved simultaneous printing in several centres, and this in

  turn meant that his manuscript had to be delivered by the previous Monday. He

  began drafting it a week ahead, initially with a schoolboy dread, then with growing

  enthusiasm as it took shape; he devoted inordinate energy to checking dates, facts,

  and quotations from the Greek and Latin classics, until he was ready to dictate the

  final draft just before the weekend. One copy went off by courier for Hitler’s approval;

  another went to the radio, because from November 7, 1941 each such leader

  article would be broadcast in full at 7:45 P.M. on the eve of its publication. Its text

  was issued worldwide. Its influence on German morale, as the war progressed, was

  unquestionable; it was a weekly shot in the arm—celebrating battles won, explaining

  setbacks, justifying persecutions, promising retaliation, predicting victory. Toward

  the end, a Goebbels article would present eloquent arguments from antiquity

  or parables from the party’s struggle for power which briefly lightened the lowering

  darkness of defeat. One Luftwaffe general admitted that after reading Das Reich he

  chided himself, ‘Oh, ye of little faith! Perhaps things really are different from how

  you, in your puny mind, make them out to be.’ After reading Goebbels in Das Reich

  GOEBBELS. MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH 599

  on the day before Hitler died an army lieutenant-general in British captivity could

  only say, ‘They [the Nazis] must have something up their sleeves!’71

  While Hitler stayed brooding at the Berghof, his plans upset, Goebbels boosted

  Berlin’s uncertain morale by staging a homecoming parade for one of its infantry

  divisions. He shrilled words of welcome through loudspeakers, contrasting this scene

  with those of 1918: ‘You soldiers return to find your country just as you left it. At

  your head stands the same Führer, on your buildings flutters the same flag, your

  people are still imbued with the same spirit and the same determination.’ ‘All we

  need now,’ he triumphed in his diary afterwards, ‘is Britain’s capitulation, total victory,

  and a lasting peace… Who can still harbour any doubt as to the outcome of this

  gigantic struggle?’72 The mere statement of the question suggests that, deep in his

  own unfathomed depths, Goebbels was himself beginning to doubt.

  AS the infantry marched in, Gutterer remarked, the same hordes of Jews were to be

  seen loitering up and down Kurfürstendamm.73 Goebbels had to admit it was true.

  The Jewish problem still ran like a poisonous thread through all his deliberations. He

  had told Gutterer in February 1940 to organize raids on Berlin Jews suspected or

  hoarding foodstuffs.74 He detected their hand everywhere, particularly in the ‘Jewish

  press’ of America.75 One American put a bounty of a million dollars on Hitler’s head;

  ‘typical Jew,’ was Goebbels’ reponse.76 He had no qualms about the murderous treatment

  that the
S.S. were meting out to the Jews, the clergy, and the intelligentsia in

  Poland.77 More than once over the next five years he reflected that for top Nazis like

  himself there was now no going back: winning total victory had become literally a

  matter of life and death for them. In one cryptic diary entry in January 1940 he

  reminded himself, ‘If there were any going back, then one would too easily become

  faint-hearted … That goes for our policies in Poland too. We simply must not lose

  this war.’78

  Like other top Nazis, he was noticeable careful not to spell out what those policies

  were. When a well-disposed Polish journalist sent him details of certain ‘episodes’ in

  Poland, he noted: ‘These could be pretty lethal for us at this moment,’ and he had the

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  informant taken into custody for a while.79 A few weeks later he learned that the

  Russians were disposing of the Jews in their half of Poland ‘in their own way.’ ‘So

  much the better for us,’ was his cryptic comment.80

  Stalin’s ideological radicalism impressed him as much as Churchill’s singlemindedness.

  Once, Goebbels decided, after discussing their ruthless Moscow ally

  with Hitler, ‘Every year, like a careful gardener, he prunes the more unruly sprouts

  in his hedge. And if Stalin does shoot his generals, then we won’t have to do it one day

  ourselves. I wonder,’ he mused, ‘whether Stalin is liquidating his Jews as well? Perhaps

  he just tells the world they were Trotskyites as a blind. Who can say?’81

  He had no misgivings about euthanasia either. After hearing Philipp Bouhler reporting

  to Hitler on the ongoing operation to liquidate their hospital population of

  mental defectives, Goebbels agreed that this was ‘so necessary,’ but he made a note

  that the whole thing was secret and running into difficulties.82 Over lunch a week

  later he heard Himmler tell Hitler that in some parts of occupied Poland the Jews

  had set up their own administration and were imposing a cruel regime on their own

  race. ‘That’s how the Jews are,’ he commented, ‘and that’s how they’ll be for ever

  more.’83 Hitler reassured him in June that they would deal swiftly with the Jews after

  the war, and Goebbels repeated this to his secret eleven o’clock conference on the

  day Hitler returned to Berlin from the Berghof in mid-July.84 Commenting on the

  Jews’ disrespectful behaviour during the infantry parade, Goebbels announced that,

  no doubt acting in his capacity as gauleiter, he had decided to pack all Berlin’s Jews—

  he put their number at 62,000—off to Poland within eight weeks of the cessation of

  hostilities. ‘So long as the Jews are living in Berlin,’ he said, ‘they will always exert a

  bad influence on public opinion.’ Hans Hinkel, his specialist on Jewish affairs, briefed

  Goebbels’ ministerial conference on the Berlin police plans already developed for

  clearing out the Jews.85 Later still, Hitler revealed to him that his own preferred final

  solution was to deport all of Europe’s Jews after the war to Madagascar, currently a

  French colony. ‘That will become a German protectorate under a German police

  governor.’86

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  HITLER had now put the finishing touches to his Reichstag speech. He returned to

  Berlin on July 19, 1940 in high spirits, and outlined its salient points to his lunch

  guests including Goebbels. He would issue a short, terse peace offer to Britain without

  spelling out any precise terms but with the clear implication that this was his last

  word, and it was now for London to decide.87 Goebbels hoped that Churchill might

  even resign. That evening, he told his staff, Britain’s fate would be in the balance.88

  He directed all his English-language radio stations to soften up British public opinion.

  89 He now had no fewer than five black radio stations, among them the ‘New

  British Broadcasting Station,’ which beamed William Joyce’s messages to England via

  three shortwave transmitters; an ‘amateur’ Radio Caledonia, pumping out Scottish

  nationalist propaganda; another transmitter aimed at Welsh nationalists; a mediumwave

  transmitter beaming socialist slogans to the British working class; and ‘Concordia

  Plan P’, which had soothing words for British Christian pacifists and regularly broadcast

  prayer services for peace.90

  But all of these megawatts failed to deflect Britain from her purpose. A rude answer

  to Hitler’s peace offer was broadcast almost immediately over the B.B.C. by

  Sefton Delmer (‘one of Putzi Hanfstaengl’s discoveries,’ as Goebbels labelled him).91

  To Hitler’s consternation the British bombing continued that night. ‘For the moment,’

  recorded Goebbels, seeing him the next day, ‘the Führer does not want to

  accept that that is indeed Britain’s response. He is still minded to wait awhile. After

  all, he appealed to the British people and not to Churchill.’92 Agreeing that they

  could afford to wait, Goebbels warned editors not to overstate Britain’s rebuff. ‘Given

  their totally different, insular mentality,’ he told his department heads, ‘it is just

  inconceivable to the English that the offer made in the Führer’s speech was not mere

  bluff but meant in dead earnest.’93

  So Germany waited. He himself doubted whether Britain really was interested in

  peace. She would not come to her senses until she had taken the first blows. ‘She

  can’t have any idea of the trouble she’s in,’ he reflected.

  Churchill had not responded other than with bombs. But Lord Halifax broadcast a

  statement that Goebbels at first mistook for just an unctuous sermon, only to learn

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  the next day that Hitler regarded it as most definitely Britain’s final outright rejection

  of his offer.94

  Secretly, Goebbels was rather pleased. ‘Everybody,’ he wrote, meaning himself,

  ‘was afraid that Britain would grasp the hand of peace extended by the Führer.’95

  Hitler told him that he too would ‘very soon’ start massive bombing raids. ‘The big

  question,’ Goebbels detected, ‘is when… Only the Führer can decide that.’96 He instructed

  his black transmitters to start generating panic in Britain, for instance transmitting

  official-sounding English guidelines on what to do when the Nazi mass air

  raids began; to add authenticity each bulletin was to start with blistering attacks on

  the top Nazis. Once again his announcers were to counsel the enemy public to withdraw

  their life savings, hoard foodstuffs, and jewellery and valuables against inflation.97

  It was now late July 1940. Everyone was ready for the blitz to begin—except

  Hitler.98

  1 Diary, Apr 29, 1940.

  2 Auguste Behrend, op. cit., No.9, Mar 1, 1952.

  3 Diary, Apr 2, 4, 1940; he thought highly of Hitler’s physician.

  4 Ibid., Apr 16, 22, 1940.

  5 Ritschel to Magda, Jul 7, 1940; in a file of their correspondence (ZStA Potsdam, Rep.90,

  Go 2 vol.3).

  6 Diary, Apr 4, 1940.

  7 Ibid., Aug 11, 1941.

 

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