On the State of Egypt: A Novelist's Provocative Reflections

by Alaa Al Aswany

  Democracy is the solution.

  December 27, 2009

  Why Are We Falling Behind as the World Progresses?

  A few months ago scientist Ahmed Zewail was appointed scientific adviser to United States President Barack Obama, and when Dr. Zewail went to meet President Obama White House officials gave him an entry pass stating his name and his position, but he noticed that at the bottom of the pass they had written the word “temporary.” Surprised at this, the scientist went to a senior White House official and asked, “Why have they written the word ‘temporary’ on my pass?”

  The official smiled and said, “Dr. Zewail, you’re working as an adviser to President Obama, aren’t you?”

  “Yes.”

  “President Obama himself is temporary,” the official said.

  When Dr. Zewail told me of this incident, I thought it significant in several ways. The U.S. president, like the president in any democratic country, holds office for four years, extendable to eight if he is reelected, after which he cannot remain in office a single day longer. The president obtained office because the people chose him of their own free will, and he is liable to strict oversight in everything related to himself and his family. Because he owes his office to the public and is liable to oversight by the people, he does his best to fulfill the promises on the basis of which the electors voted for him. This necessarily impels him to seek out the most competent people in the country to benefit from them in serving the people. That’s what happens in democratic countries, whereas we in Egypt have a president who holds on to power until his inevitable end overtakes him—a practice that definitely has serious repercussions, whoever the president may be and however good his intentions.

  First, the president in Egypt does not take office through voters’ choice but through the power of the security agencies and their ability to suppress opponents, so he does not attach much weight to public opinion, knowing that his survival in office does not depend on people liking him but rather on the ability of the security agencies to protect him from any rebellion or coup. The security agencies in Egypt are the authority that has the decisive say in every sphere and in every detail, starting with the appointment of the mayor in the smallest village to the appointment of deans of faculties and university presidents, and even allowing political parties to be formed, granting licenses to newspapers and satellite channels, and appointing and disqualifying people for ministerial positions. So many competent people have been candidates for ministerial office but were immediately disqualified when the security agencies objected to them. And so many incompetent people have been elevated to senior positions thanks to support from the security agencies. Among the countries of the world Egypt is in a uniquely abnormal situation: the state spends nearly 9 billion Egyptian pounds a year on the Ministry of Interior, twice the budget of the Ministry of Health (which is less than 5 billion pounds a year). In other words the Egyptian regime spends twice as much on subjugating, detaining, and repressing Egyptians as it spends on providing them with healthcare.

  Second, there is no legitimate way to compete with the president for office and the supreme objective is to ensure that the current president stays in power. That’s why, if any public figure surfaces who enjoys the people’s confidence, the regime gets upset and endeavors to get rid of him as soon as possible. This has always meant Egypt is deprived of major talents who are excluded because they have qualities that might make them eligible, even notionally, to assume the presidency. What happened to Dr. Zewail himself is the best example of that: after winning the Nobel Prize for Chemistry he returned to Egypt to submit a project for a technological university that could help move the country into the scientific age. But rumors and security reports warned that he was immensely popular among young people, many of whom said they wished to see Ahmed Zewail become president of Egypt. That was the death knell. The regime blocked every path in the face of Dr. Zewail, started to harass him, and lost interest in the university project he had hoped would benefit the country. A few months later the U.S. president quickly appointed him as his scientific adviser to benefit from his rich knowledge. Dr. Zewail is one example of the thousands of outstanding Egyptians who cannot contribute their talents because of despotism.

  Third, in Egypt the president has absolute powers and no authority can hold him to account. We have no idea how large President Mubarak’s fortune is or how much money his sons, Gamal and Alaa, have in the bank. What is the budget of the presidency and how does it break down into categories of spending? Is it proper that the state should spend millions of pounds of public money on the president’s rest houses and palaces while millions of Egyptians live in wretched shantytowns without basic human necessities? The president’s complete immunity from accountability also extends to senior officials. Audit departments in Egypt go after junior civil servants, hold them to account for the slightest lapse, and often bring about their dismissal and imprisonment. But faced with senior officials their authority is weak; they merely submit details of any transgressions to the president, and it is up to him alone whether he wants to hold them to account or turn a blind eye to their transgressions. In this way enforcement of the law is confined to the small, the weak, and senior people who have fallen out of favor. To fight corruption selectively, besides being meaningless and ineffective, is in itself a form of corruption.

  Fourth, in Egypt the president has the authority to appoint and dismiss ministers. He does not consider himself responsible for explaining his decisions to Egyptians, who never know why ministers are appointed or dismissed. And competence is not the prime factor in choosing ministers, as it is loyalty to the president that is most important. Last week we saw how Ahmed Zaki Badr was appointed minister of education although he has no accomplishments to his name and has no experience of improving education. His sole achievement when he was president of Ain Shams University is, in short, that for the first time in the history of Egyptian universities he called groups of thugs armed with knives and petrol bombs onto the university campus and allowed them to attack protesting students. This disgraceful behavior, which in any democratic country would have ensured the dismissal and immediate trial of a university president, was apparently the motive for Ahmed Zaki Badr’s appointment as minister of education.

  On top of this, the appointment and replacement of ministers generally takes place for subjective reasons no one understands. So the prime minister, who holds the highest political office after the president, is someone who has never in his life engaged in politics; the minister of social solidarity was originally responsible for the postal authority; the minister of information was originally a specialist in selling scientific encyclopedias; and former housing minister Mohamed Ibrahim Suleiman was appointed by presidential decree to be the chairman of an oil company. It appears that the president likes some officials and trusts their loyalty, shuffling the top positions among them without thinking too much about their suitability or experience. The regime excludes major talents because it doubts their loyalty or fears their popularity, whereas it grants positions to followers, even if they are incompetent. Because most members of parliament belong to the ruling party and have won their seats through rigged elections, they carry out the government’s instructions instead of playing their supervisory role. In Egypt a minister does not consider himself responsible to the people and knows full well that his survival in office does not depend on what he achieves but on whether he pleases the president. Now we can understand why ministers fall over each other to extol the president, laud his wisdom, and sing the praises of his amazing and historic decisions. Even the minister of manpower, Aisha Abdel Hady, had not the slightest qualms about bending down in public and in front of the media to kiss the hand of Mrs. Suzanne Mubarak.

  For all these reasons we are falling behind day by day as the world around us is progressing. Egypt has millions of educated people and thousands of honest people with rare talents who, if given a chance, are quite capable of bringing about a maj
or renaissance within a few years. But despotism is the fundamental reason why Egypt and Egyptians are falling behind.

  Democracy is the solution.

  January 17, 2010

  The Only Way to Evict Mr. Battista

  Dr. Galal Amin lives with his English wife, Jan, and his children in an elegant house surrounded by a beautiful garden in the suburb of Maadi. In the summer of 1971, Dr. Amin decided to go to Beirut with his family on a one-year assignment. He had the idea to rent his house and he easily found a tenant—a diplomat from Panama by the name of Mr. Battista. Dr. Amin signed a lease with him for just one year. Battista could live in the house for the year and was expected to leave when the lease expired. Matters proceeded normally but Dr. Amin came back to Egypt at the end of the year to find a surprise awaiting him. Mr. Battista refused to leave the house, arguing that Dr. Amin had not given him notice by registered letter, as the contract required. Dr. Amin tried to convince Battista that he had agreed from the start to lease the house for one year, without the possibility of renewal, and reminded him that he had telephoned him before the lease expired in what amounted to friendly notice that he should leave the house. But Battista requested one postponement after another, kept prevaricating and equivocating about when he would leave, and in the end openly declared he would not leave the house. Dr. Amin had to rent a furnished flat where he lived with his family, but a sense of injustice weighed on him until it became a violent rage.

  On Christmas Eve Dr. Amin said to his wife, “Tomorrow we’re going to spend the night at our house.” Throughout the night Dr. Amin made calls to the tenant’s number and then hung up on him without saying a word. He did this dozens of times, depriving Battista of sleep and also putting his nerves on edge. Early the next morning, Dr. Amin hired three carts and put his bags and furniture on them, then knocked on the door of the house. Battista came out and Dr. Amin asked him to vacate the house immediately. Battista pretended to agree, but he lured Dr. Amin to the veranda and then locked all the doors from the inside. Dr. Amin went to his car and brought a steel jack crank and without hesitation smashed the glass doors of the house. The glass flew everywhere and Dr. Amin had cuts that bled until his face and his clothes were covered in blood. But he broke into the house nonetheless and took his bags in without any resistance from Battista, who was terrified at what was happening. Dr. Amin’s wife came and took him to the hospital, where his injuries were bandaged up. Then he went back to the house with bandages on his face. He went inside, lay down on his bed, and told Battista that he must leave immediately.

  Battista called the police and the police officer tried to settle the matter amicably. Battista asked for another delay but Dr. Amin refused and insisted he leave the house at once. He said he was prepared to pay in full for Battista to stay in any hotel until he could find other accommodation. At that stage Battista brought up the contract as an argument and gave it to the officer. Dr. Amin then asked to see the contract, took it from the officer, tore it to pieces, and threw the pieces on the floor. The officer was furious with Dr. Amin and went off threatening to take the matter to the highest level. But Dr. Amin, who had prepared for battle by making contact with all the officials he knew, took no notice. He remained lying in bed, despite his injuries, his exhaustion, and the bandages covering his face. At that point Battista realized that he had to give way. He packed up his belongings and walked out of the house, leaving it to its owners.

  I read of this incident in the classic book al-Shorouk recently published, the second part of Galal Amin’s autobiography and an exquisite contribution to Arabic literature. As I read what Dr. Amin did with Battista, I was surprised, first, because Galal Amin is one of the greatest and most important Arab intellectuals and, second, because I know him well, for he has been my friend and my mentor for twenty years, and he is certainly one of the most gentle and modest men I know. How could matters come to such a pass that he would behave in this violent manner? The reason is that Dr. Amin realized that this was the only way to recover his house from occupation. He had spoken amicably with Battista often and repeatedly and had given him one postponement after another, but Battista refused to leave. Recourse to legal procedures was bound to waste years before Galal Amin won his rights.

  I can’t help but compare what happened in Galal Amin’s house and what is happening in Egypt as a whole. The regime that governs Egypt, just like Battista the tenant, has kept an illegitimate grip on power for thirty years through repression and fraud. For years we have been asking the regime to grant Egyptians their natural right to choose those who govern them and, just like Battista, the regime prevaricates and equivocates in order to retain its monopoly on power, and is even trying to pass it on from President Mubarak to his son, Gamal, after him. Because of despotism and corruption, conditions in Egypt in every field have sunk to rock bottom. Millions of Egyptians suffer from poverty and unemployment and live in conditions unfit for human beings. Every day there are more and more strikes and sit-ins, as though every sector of society is protesting against what is happening.

  Question: Given this widespread and growing anger, why is change taking so long? The answer is that Egyptians need to understand, like Galal Amin, that rights are not bestowed but have to be wrested, and that at a certain moment the injured party has to summon up his resolve to obtain his rights, whatever sacrifices he has to make. I am not calling for violence. I am calling for pressure by all peaceful means to wrest back the usurped rights of Egyptians. Egypt is now at a real turning point and more ripe for change than at any time in the past. Egyptians felt great hope when Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei appeared and announced he was joining a national effort to bring about democracy and social justice. I have met Dr. ElBaradei in person and my admiration for him has grown. From up close I sensed ElBaradei’s humility, sincerity, balanced thinking, and deep feeling for the suffering of Egyptians. What matters to Dr. ElBaradei is not standing for the presidency, because he is a person very far from liking power and because his professional and social status make it superfluous to him. Besides, if ElBaradei or anyone else stood for the presidency under the current flawed constitution, which restricts the post to the president and his sons, any candidate would in effect be a trifling extra in the drama of the presidential succession, and that would be a disgrace Dr. ElBaradei and anyone with any self-respect could not accept. ElBaradei’s only cause is reform and his hope is to see his country in the place it deserves. A few days ago he announced the creation of the National Association for Change and called on all Egyptians to join. The aims of this association are to abolish the emergency law, to hold clean and respectable elections under full judicial supervision and international monitoring, and to amend the constitution to allow for equal and fair opportunities to compete for the presidency.

  The approach ElBaradei advocates deems democratic reform to be the only way toward economic reform and achieving social justice. It is truly gladdening that Dr. ElBaradei’s popularity is growing daily in a manner without precedent. Tens of thousands of Egyptians have declared they support ElBaradei and have full trust in him, and the signature campaign will continue until a million Egyptians have signed. Then we have to move to the confrontation stage. It’s no longer any use begging for our rights by appealing to the regime, because it will not listen. But if a million Egyptians went out to the streets in protest or announced a general strike, if that happened, even once, the regime would immediately heed the people’s demands. Change, as far as it goes, is possible and imminent, but there is a price we have to pay for it. We will not triumph in the battle for change unless we summon up our resolve to recover our rights, whatever the sacrifices might be. It’s the only way to evict Battista.

  Democracy is the solution.

  February 28, 2010

  What Do Egyptians Expect from ElBaradei?

  The political system in Egypt is facing a veritable crisis because President Mubarak (to whom we wish a speedy recovery) may have to retire at any moment and because the regime,
despite its great efforts to market Gamal Mubarak, has completely failed to convince Egyptians that the son is worthy of the presidency. On top of that, most Egyptians fundamentally reject the idea of hereditary succession, whether for Gamal Mubarak or anyone else, and insist on their natural right to choose their rulers. At the same time Dr. Mohamed ElBaradei has succeeded in portraying himself as a real leader for Egyptians in the battle for change. The broad popular support ElBaradei now enjoys is a rare political phenomenon seen only a few times in our history, with Saad Zaghloul, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Mustafa al-Nahhas. Egyptians from various intellectual and political trends have come together in support of ElBaradei—Islamists, Copts, socialists, liberals, Nasserists, Wafdists, and, most important of all, millions of ordinary Egyptians who have seen in ElBaradei a leader who embodies their dreams of justice and freedom. Given the crisis in the system and the widespread support for ElBaradei, it might be useful for us to ask what Egyptians expect from ElBaradei. In brief the answer is as follows:

  First, Dr. ElBaradei held a senior international position as director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency and such people do not stop working when they retire from so high a position. As soon as they leave their posts they receive a barrage of invitations to give lectures and take part in various international activities. Egyptians expect that Dr. ElBaradei will eventually settle in Egypt and give priority to leading a national campaign, because a leader who defends the rights of the nation must always remain on the field of battle. I trust that Dr. ElBaradei will remember what Mustafa al-Nahhas did when he took over the leadership of the Wafd Party in 1927. At the time he was a big well-known lawyer but as soon as he became party leader he withdrew from legal practice, closed his office, and made his famous remark: “Today I have become an advocate for the whole nation, so I can no longer defend individuals in court.”