A Companion to Late Antique Literature

by Scott McGill

  Trapp, Michael. (2007). Philosophy in the Roman Empire: Ethics, Politics and Society. Aldershot: Ashgate.

  Van Nuffelen, Peter. (2011). Rethinking the Gods. Philosophical Readings of Religion in the Post‐Hellenistic Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  Van Nuffelen, Peter. (2012). Orosius and the Rhetoric of History. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  Vessey, Mark. (2008). Literature, patristics, early Christian writing. In: The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies (ed. S. Ashbrook Harvey and D.G. Hunter), 42–65. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  Wilson, N.G. (1975). Saint Basil on the Value of Greek Literature. London: Duckworth.

  Zizioulas, John D. (1995). The doctrine of the Holy Trinity: The significance of the Cappadocian contribution. In: Trinitarian Theology Today (ed. Christoph Schwöbel), 44–60. Edinburgh: T & T Clark.

  CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE

  Sermons

  Jaclyn Maxwell

  In the century following the reign of Constantine, bishops gained greater prominence in their communities, rising numbers of educated men entered the clergy, Christian communities grew, and the competition among Christian sects intensified. All of these factors heightened the importance of sermons in Christian worship and increased expectations regarding the skills that went into their composition and presentation. Although only a fraction of the sermons preached in late antiquity have been preserved, the number of surviving texts is staggering: around 900 from John Chrysostom alone, and more than 500 by Augustine – the largest collections of Greek and Latin sermons – in addition to the collections of sermons by numerous other preachers from cities across the Roman Empire (Olivar 1991; Dunn‐Wilson 2005).

  In order to understand the significance of the sermons for their authors and intended audiences, the texts must be studied within the social context of preaching in this period. Ecclesiastical careers were often built on one’s reputation for eloquence, which can be seen in the particularly dramatic case of John Chrysostom. John Chrysostom was chosen as the new bishop of Constantinople based on his renown as a preacher. The church historian Socrates Scholasticus describes him as being known for his irritability and arrogance among his peers, but he was able to win over large numbers of laypeople with his preaching (H.E. 6.3). Later, when he faced enemies within the clergy and imperial household, he remained popular in the city because of his sermons: “The people nevertheless continued to regard him with love and veneration, on account of his valuable discourses in the church, and therefore those who sought to traduce him, only brought themselves into contempt” (H.E. 6.4). Socrates goes on to testify that people of his own day, several decades after Chrysostom’s death, could easily understand this dynamic because they could read the texts for themselves – Chrysostom had published some sermons and others had been recorded by shorthand writers (H.E. 6.4).

  Although John Chrysostom was an exceptionally famous preacher and an influential bishop, the importance of his sermons in his own day as direct communication with his congregation and their subsequent preservation and circulation point to broader developments in Christian leadership and culture in late antiquity. Members of the educated elite were joining the clergy and utilizing their rhetorical skills to educate their followers in Christian doctrine and ethics, and, in many cases, they competed with other sects for the laity’s support. In addition to reaching their immediate audience, particularly impressive sermons were recorded and circulated, providing models for preachers who did not have the benefit of a formal rhetorical education.

  In late antiquity, preachers mostly addressed people who already considered themselves Christians and focused on deepening their understanding of Christian doctrine, answering their questions, and rebuking them for their errors. Although “being preached at” holds negative connotations today, there is a great deal of evidence that dynamic preachers were in high demand. Late antique church leaders produced some of the first systematic biblical commentaries in the form of sermons, while also addressing specific issues related to their times, including theological controversies and the Christianization of social norms and daily life. Sermon collections from this period were preserved as models for later generations of preachers, which meant that these writers (speakers) were influential in both their own time periods and beyond (Bailey 2010).

  This chapter will address some of the key issues related to sermons in late antiquity – their relationship to earlier sermons and to other types of literature from this period, their connections to classical rhetorical training, the ways in which preachers aimed to teach and persuade their listeners, and the nature of the preacher’s audience. Rather than recounting the content of certain collections of sermons and their contributions to biblical exegesis and the formation of doctrine, the chapter will focus on sermons as a form of communication that bridged the world of intellectuals with the rest of society.

  21.1 Origins of Sermons

  The style, content, and function of late antique sermons developed from a variety of earlier forms of religious instruction that can be traced back to the New Testament. The Gospels and Acts of the Apostles provide the earliest examples of Christian missionary preaching and also glimpses of preaching as scriptural commentary, reflecting Jewish practices of the time (e.g. Luke 4:17). Although the form and context of the apostles’ missionary work differed from sermons that would later become part of the liturgy, an early form of preaching was considered essential for new believers: “Faith comes from hearing the message, and the message is heard through the word about Christ” (Rom. 10:17) (Olivar 1991, pp. 31–36; Fitzmyer 1989, pp. 22–26; Stewart‐Sykes 2001, pp. 3–23).

  In contrast to Paul’s famous address at the temple of Artemis in Ephesus, apostolic preaching did not usually take the form of public speeches. Instead, explanations of the Christian message and discussions of its ethical implications took place in environments similar to synagogues and in Hellenistic philosophical schools, drawing on both cultures’ approaches to the study of texts (Stowers 1984; Fitzmyer 1989, pp. 27–28; Stewart‐Sykes 2001, pp. 39–87). In the decades following the apostles’ missions, Christians continued to gather in private, teaching a form of catechism to new members as well as giving additional instruction for baptized Christians. As more effort shifted from proselytizing to instructing the converted, teachers emphasized commentary on the Scriptures and exhortations regarding behavior rather than the basic proclamation of their message (Dodd 1960, pp. 7–8). Alistair Stewart‐Sykes (2001, pp. 79–80) describes the development from the less‐structured practice of prophecy in the earliest gatherings into discussions of the meaning of prophecies and, later on, to sermons that explained the scriptures and their implications for the lives of their listeners, a process he describes as involving “scholasticization” and “synagogalization.” The inclusion of scriptural commentary into the liturgy would guarantee the importance of preaching in later Christian communities, as well as its important role in the responsibilities of Christian authorities.

  By the mid‐second century, sermons followed the reading of scriptures and preceded the prayers and offerings in the liturgy (Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. 66). From around the same time, the anonymous text 2 Clement, with its focus on repentance and resurrection, and a few other texts provide the earliest evidence of sermons or sermon‐like discourses (Stewart‐Sykes 2001, pp. 174–239; Lienhard 1989, p. 37). Origen’s oeuvre from the 230 s to the 250 s provides the first substantial collection of sermons by a Christian teacher addressing his community. His sermons differ from his scriptural commentaries primarily in their length – the timing of the liturgy and the congregation’s attention span meant that there was limited time for speaking, whereas written commentaries had no such constraints (Lienhard 1989, pp. 39–40).

  Origen’s sermons were aimed at educating Christians about their religion rather than at proselytizing nonbelievers. He spoke to catechumens and baptized Christians with varying levels of interest in or knowledge of complicated theological
matters (Hällström 1984). His sermons focused on each day’s reading from Scripture, providing both literal and spiritual meanings along with ethical implications. Origen also expressed his concern about the congregation’s lack of attention and poor attendance and refers to complaints about his preaching (Lienhard 1989, pp. 44–46). Despite the later condemnation of some of Origen’s theological positions, his commentaries and sermons provided models for influential preachers and theologians in the fourth century.

  21.2 Sermons as a Genre

  By the fourth century the basic features of Christian preaching and its role in the liturgy were well established: The preacher (usually the bishop) presented a combination of scriptural commentary and moral exhortation out loud to his listeners. But within these parameters, sermons did not adhere to one particular stylistic pattern and could serve additional functions, such as polemic against rivals or as hagiography. Moreover, the style of a sermon could vary considerably: For example, Syriac sermons were composed in verses meant to be chanted (Mayer 2008, p. 570). Although this chapter has been using the term “sermon,” patristic authors used various terms to refer to pastoral instruction, sometimes distinguishing the commentary on biblical texts as homilies and more formal discussions as sermons, but in many cases using the terms “homilia” or “logos” or in Latin, “tractatus” and “sermo” interchangeably (Olivar 1991, pp. 487–514; Cunningham and Allen 1998, pp. 1–2).

  Despite the wide range of addresses referred to in this chapter as sermons, most of these texts exhibit certain features linked to their original presentation to listeners: short clauses, rhetorical questions, fictional dialogues or debates, conversational phrasing or tone, and various indications of ex tempore composition such as digressions, repetition, non sequiturs, abrupt endings, and very specific exhortations related to the time and place of the original preaching (Oberhelman 1991, p. 111; Cunningham 1995, p. 24; Hill 1998, pp. 313–316). Extensive evidence that most sermons were extemporaneous rather than composed for recitation can be found within the sermons themselves and also in other texts that describe preaching in this period (Deferrari 1922; Hartney 2004, pp. 37–39). In general, in addition to these aspects of oral presentation, sermons were also usually limited in length, but even this could vary. In the case of John Chrysostom’s homilies on the Psalms, these texts were too long for the liturgy but still show signs of oral presentation, leading Charles Hill (1998, p. 308) to identify them as presentations at church gatherings later in the day, after the main assembly.

  In addition to drawing on Jewish traditions of scriptural commentary, Christian preaching was also influenced by the Cynic‐Stoic diatribe, which focused on ethical issues and often took the form of a fictional dialogue in order to engage listeners (Uthemann 1998, p. 143; Oberhelman 1991, pp. 109–110). Although the extent of Cynic‐ Stoic influence has been the subject of debate, it is clear that sermons shared a lot in common with pagan traditions of textual commentary in their rhetorical style and interest in ethical teachings. A key difference, though, was that the preachers reached audiences much broader than the circles of learned men.

  The distinction between sermons and scriptural commentaries is especially difficult to define. Contrary to the assumption that learned scriptural commentaries and sermons addressed different audiences and did so with different styles and concerns, Philip Rousseau (2014, pp. 14–15) highlights the overlap between these types of texts. In addition to sharing many of the same concerns and topics, some sermons were revised by their authors or by later editors into the format of scriptural commentaries. For example, all of Ambrose’s surviving works are revised sermons (Oberhelman 1991, p. 101). The relationship between sermons and exegetical commentaries is especially clear in Augustine’s Expositions of the Psalms, a series that includes sermons presented to his listeners as well as other texts that were written in the style of homilies but not presented as such (Rousseau 2014, p. 24; Olivar 1991, p. 933). Ultimately, the fact that the same men wrote commentaries and presented sermons (which usually included some amount of scriptural exegesis) meant that the content tended to be similar and the texts themselves might serve in more than one context.

  21.3 The Influence of Classical Rhetoric

  In late antiquity, bishops were increasingly drawn from upper‐class families, whose sons were trained in the schools of grammarians followed by advanced study with rhetoric professors (Rapp 2005, pp. 172–207; Elm 2012). Eloquence played a key role in the self‐presentation of the elite and prepared them to represent their communities as local officials and as legal advocates (Kaster 1988; Gleason 1995). As preachers who aimed to keep the attention of their listeners, they used their rhetorical skills to inculcate orthodox belief and promote Christian behavior and to compete with rival Christian sects. The most influential bishops of this time, including John Chrysostom, Ambrose, and Augustine, were trained in rhetoric and had prepared for careers in law courts or teaching rhetoric when they entered the clergy. The influence of the rhetoric schools reached well beyond these famous cases, which can be seen in Jerome’s On Illustrious Men, a collective biography of learned Christians written as a response to pagan accusations that Christians were uneducated. In this text eloquence is an important aspect of being “illustrious,” and several bishops and preachers are noted for having started off as rhetoric teachers (De vir. illust. 67, 71, 101). The historian Socrates also describes the career of Ablabius, an orator who continued to teach rhetoric even after he was ordained as the Novatian bishop of Nicaea (H.E. 7.12). Socrates also refers to two provincial bishops who raised money for their sees by preaching in Constantinople, which was possibly a widespread practice (H.E. 6.11; Van Nuffelen 2015, pp. 209–212). These examples illustrate the overlap between the worlds of the orators and preachers of the time.

  Part of the demand for well‐trained and persuasive speakers stemmed from ongoing theological controversies: If one group had representatives making a good case for its interpretation of doctrine, then rival groups had to counter with their own attacks and defense. Theodoret describes how Flavian, bishop of Antioch, taught his priests to make theological arguments:

  [Flavian] did not himself preach at the services of the church, but furnished an abundant supply of arguments and scriptural thoughts to the preachers, who were thus able to aim their shafts at the blasphemy of Arius…Discoursing alike at home and abroad, he easily rent asunder the heretics’ nets and showed their defenses to be mere spiders webs. (Theod. H.E. 4.22; trans. NPNF [Nicene and Post‐Nicene Fathers] series 2, vol. 3, p. 127)

  The use of rhetorical training was a display of privilege and cultural authority, but it was also a practical matter: Preachers needed to use these techniques to attract and maintain the loyalty of their congregations. People in late antique cities encountered rhetorical speaking in various contexts – it was central to their entertainment, their courts, education, and politics (Maxwell 2006, pp. 42–64). When adapting classical rhetoric for Christian contexts, preachers introduced new elements of style that were based on a Christian ideal of a simple style, or sermo humilis, based on biblical language and geared toward teaching ordinary Christians (Auerbach 1965, pp. 27–66). This combination of styles became more standardized in the fourth‐century treatises that offered advice to preachers regarding the useful elements of classical rhetoric within a distinctively Christian approach to teaching.

  21.4 Advice about Sermons

  Despite concerns about rhetorical education’s links to pagan culture, most Christian authors recognized this as an essential skill for communicating with the laity. The influence of Second Sophistic rhetorical style is evident throughout Greek and Latin texts from this time (Oberhelman 1991; Ameringer 1921; Campbell 1983). But there were pitfalls to avoid – overindulgence in rhetorical embellishment and the temptation to seek popularity with listeners. Ambrose, Augustine, and John Chrysostom wrote treatises offering advice to preachers to help them address their congregations effectively while avoiding these missteps. Ambrose was w
ell known for his eloquence, but he expressed concern about the potential for rhetoric to mislead the laity. In his De officiis (380 s), he advised preachers to use the Bible as their stylistic model and stressed the importance of keeping their audiences’ attention. Ambrose recommended that sermons should be the right length (neither too long nor too short) and should also strike a balance in tone and style, neither “soft or effete” nor “coarse or uncouth” (De off. 1.19.84). Elsewhere, Ambrose stressed a key difference between preaching and other types of oratory. In contrast to an orator who might aim for a prize or public acclaim, for a preacher, the salvation of the listeners and the speaker was at stake (Graumann 1997, p. 590).

  In the final book of On Christian Doctrine, Augustine offered his own advice to preachers, recommending that they should aim “to teach, to delight, and to persuade”(4.17.34). Because of their subject material and audience, preachers should break certain conventions of classical oratory: Instead of following Cicero’s instructions to use a low, middle, or high style, depending on the importance of the topic, preachers should consider all of their subjects to be of the highest importance. Modeling their speech after the examples of Paul’s letters and those of other Christian authors, they should use different levels of style for teaching and persuasion whenever necessary (4.18.35–4.32.50). According to Augustine, preachers could embellish their sermons if they had the right motives: “Not in a spirit of ostentation but wisely, not content only with the aim of charming our listener, but rather concerned to use it to help him to the good of which we wish to persuade him” (4.25.55; Roberts 1989, pp. 125–130). Augustine advised preachers to gauge their audiences’ response in order to learn whether or not their sermons were successful: Applause was good, but tears were better: “They indicated by applause that they were being taught or pleased, but tears indicated they were persuaded” (4.24.53). The goals and methods of a preacher had much in common with the orator, but they were supposed to be driven by different motives and aiming for very different, serious goals, while somehow avoiding the old ambitions of pleasing the listeners and receiving acclaim as speakers.