Nation on Board

by Lynn Schler

  The issue of overtime pay was central to most seamen’s preference to work for the national line, but another issue that played a prominent role in seamen’s recollections of the move to the NNSL was that of food served on board. For many seamen, the possibility of being served Nigerian food was an important drawing point for joining the national line, as it was inseparable from deeper desires for belonging and a sense of home on board ships. The issue of food played a prominent role in seamen’s detailed descriptions of life on ships, first on board Elder Dempster vessels and later on vessels of the NNSL. Many of those interviewed complained bitterly of the food they were served on the British vessels; one seaman recalled: “We ate English food, ate a lot of rice, they did not give us African food. No pepper on the food. The food was not really suitable for us, but we ate it like that.”16 The memory of food on board colonial vessels reflected the symbolic significance of food for the Nigerian crew, as another seaman recalled: “The European stewards didn’t know how to prepare or cook African food. We carried most of the burden, carrying passengers and cargoes to London. But each time they wanted to serve us, they gave us chicken! No! No! No! Everybody wanted to eat fufu, eba, garri. . . . In the cold weather we wanted that! Ti o ba je eba wa laagun! [Yoruba expression: When you eat eba you will sweat].”17 This same seaman claimed that labor disputes on the Elder Dempster Lines were related to the issue of food: “It was about pay and the food. Because of the food they were serving us, we didn’t like English food; rather we wanted garri, eba, that will make us feel warm, not edie odindin kan bayi ti o jinna [Yoruba: one big half-done chicken]. Sometimes, the chickens were not well cooked . . . and it irritated us whenever we ate them because there was no pepper.”18 Many claimed to bring their own food on board, or to prepare food in the kitchen in off hours:

  Nigerians bought their own food like garri, pepper, and so on. We traveled with this. Anytime we signed for any ship in Lagos here, some of us used to buy some African foods and we kept it in our cabins because the menu that the kitchen officer made is for the whole crew in the ship and most of the food on the menu was European food. For instance, chicken and chips, baked bread, eggs, and so on. Most of Nigerians did not like this food so they want to cook their own food in the galley. After the chief cook finished from the galley, we then went into the kitchen with our own pots and cook our own food. Africans, sometimes, would say that they didn’t want fish and chips, “I want garri, give me garri!” Most Ijaw men were fond of this because we didn’t believe in this baked bread and eggs.19

  While most seamen recalled that the food on the British ships did not suit the majority of the ratings, the situation on the national line was completely different. Seamen often framed their satisfaction with the move to the national line in terms of the Nigerian food served on board. For example, one seaman recalled that the issue of food was the only difference between the Elder Dempster and the NNSL ships: “It was the same thing I was doing at the ED Line that I was also still doing at the NNSL, but the diet and food changed. The ED Line had European types of food, whereas the NNSL supplied us with Nigerian types of food like garri.”20 Another claimed that the only significant difference between the British companies and the NNSL was the food served: “There was not so much difference except on the feeding aspect.”21 One seaman who worked in the catering department explained that on the national line, there was more consideration for all the crew’s culinary tastes, whether they were European or Nigerian:

  In the morning we wrote a menu: sometimes custard, Quaker oats, fried egg, omelets, scramble eggs, and so on. In the afternoon, we prepared rice and stew. Whenever we had Europeans among the crew, we prepared them European food differently. We sometimes prepared salad and so on for the Europeans. . . . In the evening we prepared fufu with egusi [melon soup] or ogbono [gumbo soup]. This was the food menu of the national line but in the ED line, we ate only European food, whether the African crew liked it or not.22

  The seaman’s testimony regarding the diverse menu on NNSL ships hints at a deeper claim with regard to the Nigerian National Shipping Line. Through the description of menus designed to suit both Nigerian and European tastes, the former steward intimated that NNSL ships were more inclusive and tolerant of the differences among crew members, regardless of their national background.

  While employment with the Nigerian national line initially satisfied seamen’s longings for fair and equal treatment through better salaries, the payment of overtime, and availability of Nigerian food, there was a sense of disappointment among seamen regarding the unanticipated continuities between colonial and national ships. Despite their initial enthusiasm for the nationalist enterprise, seamen soon discovered that they continued to occupy the lowest rungs of ship hierarchies, and the racial division of labor remained intact. As one seaman recalled: “Working with national shipping line, we were going to be free because it was our ship, but still when the ship came, we were the crew members. But the top, like captains, were white: chief engineer, chief mate, and boson were all white people, even second and third engineer, second and third mate were white, . . . the carpenter, the shippie, used to be white but later we had a black person as carpenter. All white people from the beginning.”23

  The presence of European officers on board made it harder for Nigerians to feel that the ships were their own. Changes in the conditions of service also took time to implement, only increasing seamen’s frustrations. Archival records regarding the first few voyages of the Dan Fodio and the Oduduwa recount the mounting discontent of seamen as they confronted a transition that was overly smooth and nearly seamless for those who had invested much hope in the changes that would come with the NNSL.

  On the early voyages of the Dan Fodio, despite initial promises, payment for overtime work had not yet been implemented when the ship first set sail. According to officials at the Palm Line in Liverpool in September 1959, the Nigerian crew became agitated and unrest stirred around the issue of unpaid overtime. As the chief officer claimed, “The crew work up to 8 hours and when called to put in more work, outside this period, without some overtime allowance, they naturally feel demoralized. They are inclined to grumble and murmur and do the job without a tang of cheerfulness.” Seamen threatened to walk out, and to appease them, the management quickly organized an “ex gratia payment.”24 In another incident, which took place in Rotterdam during the ship’s second voyage, it was reported that the Nigerian crew threated to walk off if the mate was not removed. The crew would not tolerate unfair treatment on Nigerian ships, but despite their protests, the mate was signed on again. The crew agreed to sail only when a federal commissioner from the United Kingdom convinced them “that it would be shameful as well as illegal to abandon their ships in a foreign port.”25 The situation came to a head on the Dan Fodio in August 1960, when five European officers resigned from the ship. They claimed that the Nigerian crew “had become unruly and chaotic because of the spirit of nationalism.”26 With the unrest among the NNSL Nigerian crews a growing concern, Sidi Khayam decided to board the Dan Fodio to conduct an investigation into the European officers’ claims that nationalist sentiment had made the Nigerians intractable: “The situation came desperately in need of investigation when, with the march of events, five engineers automatically resigned from the service of the same ship, on the basis of a particularly peculiar pretext, which seems pathetic at first blush, that the Nigerian crew, was fishing around for chaos and was becoming more systematically difficult to handle, inspired by what they regarded as the feeling of their national ownership of the ship in question.”27 Khayam wrote, “If it’s true that this tendency exists, it would do a world of damage.”28 His final report dismissed the allegations of the European officers and reported that relations between the races on the ship were in fact harmonious. Indeed, subsequent reports from the Dan Fodio indicated that tensions had been largely dispelled. But similar dynamics were also seen on the Oduduwa, according to a report of the operational manager in Lagos. He claimed
that the police in Hamburg had to be called in during the ship’s second voyage because “the crew behaved so disgracefully.” The agent claimed that the potential for unrest remained high on the ships, and he feared the long-term consequences of this situation: “If Nigerian seamen continue to behave in such a manner we will find difficulty in getting good officers to serve on our ships.”29

  The unrest seen on the ships of the NNSL in 1959 and 1960 is poignant testimony to the impact nationalist ideologies and organizing had on working classes. Far removed from the centers of power and decision making, seamen nonetheless internalized the ideological currents that shaped the era of decolonization, and became inspired to hope for change. Unfortunately, the pace of change did not satisfy the seamen’s longings, and their frustration at the status quo was evidenced in onboard protests and threatened walkouts. Despite their dissatisfaction, the presence of European officers on NNSL vessels was a sight that seamen would have to endure for nearly two decades more. As will be seen in the following section, the ideological commitment to Nigerianization would have to confront the lengthy process for training of Nigerian officers and captains for the NNSL ships.

  NIGERIANIZING THE STAFF

  From the very founding of the Nigerian National Shipping Line, plans were made to train personnel of all levels for positions both ashore and at sea. As Njoku explained to the Parliament in August 1959, one of the main factors leading to the decision to sign a deal with Elder Dempster and the Palm Line was the issue of training, as the British companies had in place the facilities and expertise necessary to prepare Nigerians to eventually take over all aspects of the shipping enterprise. The agreement between the technical partners and the NNSL called for the employment of Nigerians in managerial positions, and the training of Nigerians in seagoing jobs as officers and crew. With the arrival of the Dan Fodio at Lagos, Njoku reported on the quick pace of Nigerianization, to the approval of Parliament members:

  On the Dan Fodio during its maiden voyage, out of a crew of forty-five, thirty-one were Nigerians (applause), including the Second Mate, two Engineer Officers, a Writer and two cadets. . . . The Nigerian National Line has undertaken as a primary duty the training of Nigerians as navigating and engineering officers (applause), and shore management staff. The operational Agency Agreement will, in the first instance, run for six years, but may be terminated therefore and may be renewed only from year to year so that our hands are not tied at all. (Applause.)30

  The efforts toward Nigerianization continued throughout the early years of the Nigerian National Shipping Line, but it would be a long while before Nigerians would command Nigerian ships. This was because the training of officers and captains spanned several years, including periods of academic training along with thousands of hours logged at sea. While ads were placed for candidates in the local press, only a small percentage of those who responded met the minimal academic requirements to begin courses for officer training. Thus, among 323 respondents to newspaper ads in 1959, only 77 were found to meet the necessary educational standards.31 Despite these obstacles, the policy of Nigerianization remained a priority. The importance of the process to the company was emphasized in the Annual Report of the NNSL in 1962: “Particular attention is being given to the question of Nigerianisation in the company’s expansion program so as to reflect the company’s national character while maintaining, at the same time, the international nature of our trade. The training of management personnel as well as marine engineers is being vigorously pursued and there is no doubt that this will yield ample dividends in time to come.”32 By 1963, Nigerians could be seen in various positions of command on board ships, and the Annual Report claimed that the national line was operating with twelve deck cadets, seven engineer cadets, and five radio officers and trainees. Of the seven vessels owned by the company, six were manned by Nigerian chief stewards and had Nigerians in charge of the purser’s departments. The policy of Nigerianization remained a top priority: “This aspect of our policy is being pursued with the utmost vigour. It is our hope that with the training being given to the trainee managers and other personnel it will not be too long before our key posts in our company are Nigerianised.”33

  The efforts paid off, and by 1968, only eighty-two jobs were still held by foreign employees. But here the statistics are very telling, as the top positions of ship hierarchies were still dominated by foreigners, with 9 masters, 12 deck officers, 9 chief engineers, 39 engineers/electricians, and 9 radio officers. While many Nigerians had begun training for these positions with the establishment of the national line, at the end of the first decade of operation, NNSL ships were still largely controlled by foreign captains and officers. With the very founding of the company, efforts to recruit Nigerians for these positions had to focus on educating potential candidates about the benefits and advantages of a career at sea. The NNSL focused recruitment efforts for management on recent university graduates.34 For seagoing positions, it was decided to advertise to dispel any prejudices regarding this line of work: “Very few Nigerians knew neither the types of training necessary towards fitting themselves for a sea career or the prospects available to a qualified Master Mariner. It was felt that a brochure or booklet, providing information on a sea career, for circulating amongst suitable young men through the Schools would remove the misconceptions which many of them hold of the training and standing of a Deck Officer.”35

  For Nigerian seamen, the process of Nigerianization was long overdue. Seamen lobbied for more opportunities for crew seeking to advance in the shipboard hierarchy. Most ratings lacked the educational background to become officers themselves, but they strongly supported policies for training Nigerian officers to command the ships upon which they were employed. From both personal and organizational perspectives, seamen believed that the process of Nigerianization would improve the atmosphere on NNSL ships, as was claimed by Sidi Khayam in a letter to management in 1959: “We would be immensely impressed, if you accept the application of Nigerianisation and set out a plan for qualified boatswains, Carpenters, Second Stewards, Chief Stewards, Officers and Engineers to eventually take over. This will definitely strengthen the confidence of African Crews towards your company and give us a feeling of more security.”36

  Khayam’s request reflected a deeper belief that Nigerian officers would be preferable to Europeans for the Nigerian ratings. African crews undoubtedly imagined that the replacement of European officers with Nigerians would spell an improvement in their working lives. But once the national line was established, Sidi Khayam went to great pains to emphasize that European captains could be just as fair and respected by the crew as Nigerians. In his report on race relations on the Dan Fodio in 1960, he claimed that Capt. J. C. Salvidge was “colour-blind,” and his command of the ship reflected this: “His basic preoccupation is how to build more and more harmony among his crew, how to achieve efficiency in the style of their work, how to remove and solve the problems of all seamen under his care. He has in fact a burning impatience against quarrels and misunderstandings. His life is dominated by tolerance and discipline. This explains his irresistible attraction and prestige before all the seamen who worked with him.”37 Khayam claimed that Captain Salvidge was living proof that racial tensions could be overcome: “The man has shattered the misconception that the crew of all national origins cannot work in harmony devoid of strain and mistrust.”38 According to Sidi Khayam, Nigerians took pride in their ships, even with a British commander, as he described the greasers and stewards on board: “I saw them pick up some waste or rubbish even outside their working time. When I asked them why they bothered doing this while not on duty, they said the ship was after all their own. ‘Besides, the master or old man wants the ship to be kept clean and we want to help him.’”39 Khayam reported that the British captain organized games and competitions “to provide diversions and combat the loneliness that was often a problem with seamen.” He even reported that Captain Salvidge taught some of the African crew English and arithmetic.40 K
hayam said: “He was worked side by side with European and African seamen and frankly contrasting both, he feels the Africans are as good, some of them better than some Europeans and can compete with seamen anywhere.”41

  Khayam’s report emphasized that European captains could be fair in their treatment of all seamen regardless of race, and some even became the object of deep admiration and respect from Nigerian seamen. Thus, the racial identity of the officers could not guarantee either a positive or a negative relationship with the crews and the running of the ships. Some seamen claimed that once the Nigerian National Shipping Line was established, seamen got more respect from the British officers, as one explained: “After 1960, I observed that we seamen had a more cordial relationship with our white bosses but before 1960, whenever any seaman had an argument with the white, either he was right or wrong, when the ship got to Lagos, that seaman was paid off.” After independence, he claimed, British captains encouraged them to see the national line as their own: “Most times, the captain called us under National Lines, and advised us to endure whatever our condition [of service] was, and after a while, we were going to benefit. He said the ships were our own and they had only come to work and earn some money, and they were bound to leave at any time but we would remain, he urged us to always do the right thing.”42

  Indeed, seamen invested their hopes in the changeover from British to Nigerian officers, but it soon became evident that racial solidarity did not guarantee harmonious working conditions on board ships. In the following sections, we will examine the impact that the Nigerianization of captains and officers had on working relationships on NNSL vessels. This discussion will be largely based on an examination of ship’s logs from 1960 through 1985. These daily logs written by captains offer a rare view into the dynamics on board the ships. A review of the entries provides an excellent opportunity to examine day-to-day happenings, including technical difficulties, personnel issues, and disciplinary problems. The captain’s logs contained detailed information related to incidents on the ship, but they were often reflective of the captain’s perceptions. Therefore, the reading of the ship logs must be juxtaposed against interviews with seamen. Taken together, we can gain rich and valuable insights into the Nigerianization of work regimes and cultures on the NNSL vessels.