Countdown to D-Day

by Peter Margaritis

  Addressing a common theme, he rhetorically asks if perhaps the manner of their removal could be done more humanely. He shakes his head dramatically. “My dear generals, we are fighting a battle of life and death. If our enemies are victorious in the struggle, the German people will be extirpated.7 The Bolsheviks will butcher millions upon millions of our intellectuals. Those who escape the bullet in the nape of the neck will be deported…”

  He goes on for a while, interweaving the “bestial” reasons for the war’s necessity, graphical descriptions of the air war’s effect upon the country, and the removal of the accursed Jews. He occasionally pauses for applause or verbal approvals.

  The subject of the impending invasion in the West is not even addressed.

  1Forty-seven-year-old Luftwaffe General der Flakartillerie Wolfgang Pickert had once commanded the 9th Flak division in the East, attachéd to von Paulus’ ill-fated Sixth Army to dealt with Russian bombers. He had been at Stalingrad with his unit when it had nearly been annihilated at the end of 1942. Pickert had been one of the lucky ones flown out of the surrounded Sixth Army that winter.

  2These batteries, created around the cadre of what used to be the 11th Motorized Flak division, were now grouped into four antiaircraft regiments. The 1st Stürm Flak Regiment had been created out of the 431 Flak Regiment (of the 16th Flak Division) and the headquarters of the 32nd Flak Regiment. Likewise, the 2nd was created from the 653rd, the 3rd from the 37th, and the 4th out of the old 79th. The batteries had been given special training in both anti-air coverage and mobile ground warfare (hence, the designator “Stürm” had been added to give the units a ground assault rating). The 103rd Luftnachtrichten (Signals) Battalion rounded out the corps.

  3A small town some 65km west of Paris.

  4Bridges along the Loire River were for the most part left alone, so that the enemy did not discern the general location of the invasion area.

  5About 110km west of Paris.

  6Paris’ East train station terminal, one of the oldest railway stations in the capital, a historic favorite.

  7The word he used was ausgerottet, which means to be totally destroyed or more graphically, to be yanked out by the roots.

  Saturday, May 27

  Whitsun Saturday1 is a lovely day at La Roche-Guyon. The temperature is up, although there is a breeze coming off the river to bring relief from the warm morning. After Ruge fills him in on his meetings yesterday, Rommel leaves to see the smoke generator plant that he visited on the 24th. Progress has been made. He orders the manager to accelerate their program for production.

  He returns to the château for lunch. These days, he dares not go anywhere very far. The invasion could come any day now. All this enemy air activity in the last few weeks must have some significance. Something will probably be happening soon. He can almost feel it. Besides, his troops know enough by now about how to construct their barriers, and work is steadily going on all along the coast. Every day makes them more prepared, better able to meet the enemy. So where are they?

  That afternoon, he and some staff members go on yet another “armed promenade” to work off lunch and to relieve some of the strain of waiting. The few rabbits they come across are too small to shoot. However, since previous hunts have usually proven fruitless, they try something different. They bring along a few ferrets to go down the rabbit holes and chase their prey out. Unfortunately, this tactic backfires on them, because the ferrets decide that the nice rabbit tunnels are cool places to rest. The frustrated hunters end up having to dig their ferrets out.

  When they eventually return to the villa, they find out that official word has come down from Luftflotte III headquarters in Paris. General Pickert, after having dined with Rommel (yesterday’s sumptuous feast thrown for him must have helped after all), has relented some. He is going to allow one of his four regiments, the 1. Flak Regiment, 2 to relocate to Normandy. Their role however, will be strictly as an air defense weapon, and they will not be used at all in ground operations.

  Two more of the flak regiments will stay with the Fifteenth Army, with one regiment on each side of the Somme estuary between Montreuil-sur-Mer and just north of Abbéville. The fourth regiment will be held in Army Reserve. It will stay on the right bank of the Seine, upstream from Tréport, to continue covering the river bridges, now repeatedly getting hit hard by enemy air attacks.

  Rommel, expecting to get more batteries into Normandy from the other three regiments, is upset.

  ***

  General Hans Speidel is at home in Freudenstadt, Germany. He is entertaining two prominent guests: pre-war Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baron Konstantin von Neurath, and the Oberburgermeister of Stuttgart, Karl Strölin. They are part of another contingent of the Schwartz Kapelle.3

  In Speidel’s study, they exchange their ideas on removing the Führer from office, and how the Western commands could coordinate their operations with them, once the plotters had made their move. Some contacts have been made with the Western Allies, and these will be used when needed. Speidel briefs them on his dealings with the field marshal and how far he has progressed. Von Neurath reviews the reasons why Hitler is the crux of the problem, having followed his present policy. He states what they all know well: none of the Allies will deal with him, and so he has to go, for the good of the country.

  Von Neurath needs to know how willing Rommel would be to help lead the government if the conspiracy succeeds. The plotters agree that they would like to make their move before the Allied invasion takes place. Speidel knows from reports coming into his office that time is getting short. Strölin and von Neurath tell him to plead with Rommel to be ready to take over when the coup is initiated, either as head of the military, or as the leader of the country.

  It will be a hard sell.

  ***

  Brigadeführer Fritz Witt, commanding the 12. SS Panzer Division Hitlerjugend, enjoys his 36th birthday with his senior officers and their wives at Tillières-sur-Avre. The champagne flows freely at the celebration as the SS officers relax and have a good time. Witt does not know that this will be his last birthday.4

  ***

  In the large picture room of the Berghof, the Führer is today entertaining the Japanese ambassador, Baron Hiroshi Oshima. He has been lecturing him on general strategy. Also present are Walther Warlimont, General Jodl (who seems bored), chief of staff Wilhelm Keitel, his eyes gleaming at the Führer’s words, and Luftwaffe adjutant Nicolas von Below. Except for Keitel, the senior army officers are uncomfortable about the Führer telling a foreigner about strategy points that perhaps should not be mentioned. After all, telling senior Nazi politicians what they might do is one thing; or even late at night, when the Führer, reclined in an easy chair, reflects some thoughts about military plans to the attending ladies. They are, after all, simple souls. And besides, who could they relay the information to? However, telling foreigners is something else entirely, even if they are supposed to be their allies.

  Now the Führer turns to Germany’s military situation. He starts with the Italian front. “It is,” he says with authority, “on the Italian front that the fighting is now most acute.” Looking at the Japanese ambassador, he continues. “England and America have thrown against us an infinitude of weapons and materials. In my opinion, the main object of this new drive is to lure German military strength to that theater, and we are therefore not making too great an effort to prevent the loss of territory. Instead we are gradually retiring, and in doing so, we are inflicting huge losses on the enemy.”

  “And, by the way,” Hitler declares, turning towards Keitel and von Below. “I am not sending any more planes to help defend Italy.” He looks at Jodl. “And we have also decided to establish a new defensive line running from the Alban Hills on the west coast to a point south of the Grand Sasso Mountains, and finally to a point north of Pescara on the east coast…” Hitler has decided to call this new line “Position C.” Of course, moving back to this fortified position means having to give up any serious idea of
defending Rome.

  The subject turns to the Eastern Front. Hitler says, “We Germans have known all along that the Axis should have defended along the Don. But Hungary and Romania never could grasp that fact. Now however, the flames are close to their own borders, and the Hungarian and Romanian forces are more aware of the peril. So far, they have stood up rather well.” He does not mention that this is especially true since Germany marched into Hungary in mid-March, occupied the capital, and “re-educated” the Hungarians.

  The Japanese ambassador speaks up. “Do you know from which direction the Russians will strike?”

  Hitler turns to him and thinks about the question. “I think,” he replies, “that the Russian assault will be two-pronged. In my opinion, they’ll head northwest from the Lvov area and penetrate into central Poland.” After a moment, he adds, “And they will also invade Romania. I think though, that the drive from Lvov will come first, and an attempted invasion of Romania will come afterwards.5”

  Ōshima changes the subject and asks Hitler about the upcoming Western Europe invasion. The Führer starts to pace. “I believe,” he begins, “that, sooner or later, an invasion of Europe will be attempted. I understand from recent reports that the enemy has already assembled about 80 divisions in the British Isles.6 Of that force, only eight divisions are composed of first-class fighting men with experience in actual warfare.”

  Ōshima asks “Does your Excellency believe that these Anglo-American forces are fully prepared to invade?”

  “Yes” Hitler continued, “I believe that they are fully ready to invade us.”

  The Japanese ambassador considers this and then asks him, “Then sir, I wonder, what ideas you may have on how the invasion will be carried out?”

  The Führer stops pacing and pauses. “Well, as for me, judging from relatively clear portents, I think that diversionary actions will take place in a number of places—against Norway, Denmark, the southern part of western France, and the French Mediterranean coast. After that, when they have established bridgeheads in the Normandy and Brittany peninsulas, and have sized up their prospects, they will then come forward with an all-out second front across the Straits of Dover.”

  Hitler pauses. “We ourselves would like nothing better than to strike one great blow as soon as possible.” He looks down and begins pacing again before he goes on. “But that will not be feasible, if the enemy does what I anticipate… No, their men will be dispersed. If that’s the case, we intend to finish off the enemy’s troops at the several bridgeheads. The number of German troops in the West still amounts to about 60 divisions.”7

  Ōshima, sitting calmly at the large round table, replies, “Remember, sir, our last meeting? You told us that if it turned out that there was no invasion, you thought that you might blast southern England with rocket guns, and then maybe find an opportunity to take the initiative again on the Eastern Front. Well, since then,” continues the ambassador, “the Anglo-Americans have been bombing the Channel area more heavily than ever… I wonder, sir, if those weapons you were going to use against England have not been destroyed?”

  The senior Wehrmacht officers hold their breaths. What Ōshima is suggesting may be construed as indirectly accusing the Führer of either holding out on their Japanese ally or not holding up their end of the war. To anyone else in Europe, that would be a capital offense.

  “No,” replies the Führer irritably. “Those guns are in an arsenal made of impenetrable concrete. They are in no danger.”

  The other men in the room relax. That could have been explosive.

  “If the Anglo-Americans do not stage an invasion,” Ōshima continues, unaware of his close call, “would it not be a little dangerous to return your troops to the Eastern Front?”

  Hitler scowls at Ōshima. “Well,” he replies after a moment, “I have no intention of waiting forever for them to come. I will give them two or three more months. If they don’t come then, Germany will take the offensive.”

  He pauses. “By that time, we will have finished organizing and equipping additional forces. We will have between 60 to 70 fresh divisions, including over 40 panzer and panzergrenadier divisions.8 Then, we will be in a position to attack. I have already exceeded my goal for SS divisions; twenty-five of them are now practically organized and equipped.”

  Warlimont feels a tug at his sleeve. Looking over, he sees one of the Führer’s aides. There is a telephone call for him in the antechamber. Warlimont excuses himself from the room as the Führer and the ambassador begin talking about aircraft production. A thought suddenly occurs to him. What if the Japanese somehow tell the enemy of German intentions? He shakes his head. The Japanese would have nothing to gain from that. No, they would not knowingly tell the enemy.

  He is right. They will not—knowingly. But he cannot know that Ōshima will radio a full transcript of this conversation to Tokyo in a few days. Very soon after that, less than a week before the invasion, the Ultra intercept will be in the hands of the top Allied commanders in Europe.

  1The day before Pentecost.

  2The 1. Regiment consisting of two anti-aircraft battalions, would later be nearly destroyed in the Falaise Gap.

  3Some sources (especially Hans Speidel himself) state that he was at the meeting on behalf of and personally representing Rommel. Others maintain that Speidel was just trying to uphold the reputation and historic image of the field marshal, and that he had not as yet actually approached him on the plot—at least not fully. Even if Speidel had sounded out the field marshal on the idea, chances are that Rommel’s part in the conspiracy at this time was probably minimal.

  4On June 14, a naval barrage targeted his divisional headquarters at Venoix (then a western suburb of Caen). Shrapnel from a shell explosion hit him in the face, killing him. He was buried there at Venoix, but later his remains were moved to the German military cemetery at Champigny-St. André-de-l’Eure.

  5Hitler had guessed wrong. The Soviet Union’s offensive on June 23 would come not from Lvov southeast of Warsaw, but instead from the Belorussian Front at the center of the line; and the Soviets would not strike westward towards Poland, but northwest, towards Lithuania and Estonia.

  6HeeresgruppeB had estimated some 85 divisions, about eight of which were airborne. Fremde Heeres West overestimated as well, concluding that there were about 79. Actually, at the end of May, there were the equivalent of only 52 Allied divisions in England: 20 British, 21 American, 5 Canadian,1 Polish, 1 Free French, and a number of brigades and special battalions.

  Interestingly, since the SS now had overall control of German Intelligence (see entries for February 9 and February 11), all Army intelligence reports were funneled to headquarter units from SS headquarters. There, Security Branch commander Generalleutnant der Polizei Ernst Kaltenbrunner would regularly modify Roenne’s estimates of enemy strength in Britain downward for the Führer. As a result, Roenne began to inflate his numbers to offset this practice. At some point in time, Kaltenbrunner suddenly stopped amending Roenne’s numbers, which resulted in the overinflated estimates.

  7This does not include another six divisions in Denmark and about 12 operational divisions across the North Sea in Norway.

  8The boast, of course, was a wild exaggeration. At that time, Germany could not hope to create that number of new divisions without taking some from the hard-pressed Eastern Front.

  Sunday, May 28

  Today is Whitsunday.1 It is another beautiful day at La Roche-Guyon. Rommel and his staff are perplexed. Where the hell are the Allies?

  To pass the time away, there are a number of tennis matches today. For those wishing to stay indoors, several ping-pong battles are fought.

  Enemy air activity seems low today. However, the Allies are not as idle as the army group staff thinks. The Romanian oilfields at Ploesti are hit by a few hundred enemy bombers.2 The Allies had struck Germany’s oil production facilities hard on May 12. This is the second phase, and its effect will cripple German oil (and thus, manufacturing) prod
uction.

  In Western Europe, railroad marshaling yards in northern France, Belgium, and central France are hit again, while rail lines are attacked by tactical fighter-bombers. The V-1 sites are hit again, as are a few coastal positions. And of course, rail bridges along the Seine and Somme rivers are hit once more. By D-Day, all the Seine bridges will be down.

  That afternoon, Rommel decides to takes time to ride with his aide to the beautiful Choisy Forest. On the way, Rommel talks about Herman Göring and his lack of character. Rommel speaks ill of the Luftwaffe, too, and discusses how things have become as bad as they now are.

  Rommel sums it up for Lang, telling him, “While the others were building up their air power, we were fast asleep. Now we’re paying the penalty. My impression is that the people around the Führer often didn’t tell him their real opinions about the situation.”

  They enjoy a stop or two, admiring the scenery before they drive over to the expansive villa of the Marquis de Choisy. The count is related to the Duc du Rochefoucauld, whose château Rommel is currently using. Back in 1940, after his wild ride across France, Rommel had met the count and had found him to be a perfectly charming man. The family was sympathetic to the Germans, and the count’s son had even gone as far as to join the army and had fought a few years on the Eastern Front. The count’s young daughter has often visited her relatives at La Roche-Guyon; the countess herself is a spry and energetic woman.

  Today, the frail old man greets him warmly, and Rommel visits with the couple. The countess’ bitterness towards the British comes out in her remarks. Rommel in turn tells the count about how the Germans and French—all of Europe, for that matter—must stand up together if their crusade against Bolshevism is to be won.