The Poetics of Sovereignty
Page 42
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The Significance of Court Poetry
eighth couplet, the deepening of the cold weather reminds Taizong that
the year is drawing to a close.
As if taking stock of the year’s accomplishments, Taizong reflects upon
the snowy scene before him. First he confesses his shame that he has not
called to court all the worthies that may be hidden in the world, again
echoing Bao Zhao’s poem. What he does take pride in, however, is the
promise of a fecund year, just as he did in the second of the “On Rain”
poems.67 He sees the snow as an auspicious sign, since its cold will kill all
the pests that might otherwise harm the crops come summer. In this re-
spect, the emperor does not take notice of nonhuman things as Shen Yue
does, but instead thinks of the welfare of his subjects.
The closing couplet cites the titles of two ancient songs, “Hidden Tho-
roughwort” and “Yellow Bamboo.” “Hidden Thoroughwort” was associ-
ated with another ancient song entitled “White Snow,” but it otherwise
serves no deeper purpose than to provide an elegant parallel to “Yellow
Bamboo” in the next line. It is the allusion to this poem supposedly com-
posed by King Mu of Zhou that reveals Taizong’s delight in the snow to
be a matter not of aesthetic pleasure but of ethical pleasure. In the Mu
Tianzi zhuan, King Mu composed “Yellow Bamboo” during his travels,
lamenting how his people were surely suffering from the harsh winter’s
cold and snow. Taizong, unlike King Mu, made a great show of not travel-
ing far from the capital—from the site of his imperial duties—and thus
the allusion carries a double significance. He reperforms King Mu’s con-
cern not as a royal lament for neglected duty, but as the sovereign’s claim
of having successfully fulfilled his duties to his people—the auspicious
signs of good harvest are the fruits of his stewardship. Even more impor-
tant, however, is the use of the phrase tonghuan 同歡 in the last line. If
King Mu sings his “Yellow Bamboo” alone, as a king traveling for selfish
pleasure, Taizong recognizes the lesson of Mencius: that the pleasures of
the king must be extended to all within the empire. He shares his delight
in the snow with his subjects, as the empire will enjoy a year of plenty fol-
lowing the cold season.
—————
67. For a discussion of “Delighting in the Snow” in relation to the “Delighting in the Rain” poetic theme, and to the topic of rain as an auspicious sign of fecundity, see Yajima Mitsuko, “Geyong fengshou de shi.”
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The Significance of Court Poetry
237
An anxiety over the problem of poetic insignificance clearly underlies
Taizong’s court poems, and he grafts moral themes onto the compositions
in order to lessen his concerns over poetic self-representation. Unlike the
courtiers of the Southern Dynasties, Taizong must inhabit a role that
makes the usual rhetorical gestures of court poetry inappropriate. For him,
the poem cannot simply be a thing of literary artifice, but instead should
serve as a vehicle of political importance, recalling the defining scene of
poetic interpretation in the Zuo zhuan. In Taizong’s poems, what is at
stake is the political imagination of the sovereign role, and with it, the
imperium.
The Hanlin xueshi ji
Thus far I have examined individual court poems, showing how poetic
concerns have evolved over a period of centuries and how Taizong under-
stood the historical tradition of poems in the courtly mode. While read-
ing court poems in this way may give us insight into the logic of courtly
subgenres such as yongwu shi, any purely diachronic approach to court
poetry risks obscuring one of the central attributes of court poetry—that
the poems were composed in group settings, as part of ritual celebrations
and social occasions. In this way, the literary historical weight placed on
personhood, on the individual poet, has served also to obscure the way in
which poetry was actually practiced. Of course, we have lost the original
contexts of many of the surviving medieval court poems, a condition that
has further distorted and decontextualized what fragments remain from
banquet collections. Nevertheless, recent scholarship has argued for the
necessity of placing early Tang court poems in their contexts.68
For the Zhenguan era, moreover, there is one surviving collection of
court poetry: the Hanlin xueshi ji 翰林學士集 ( Literary Collection of the
Hanlin Academicians).69 The collection consists of fifty-one poems orga-
—————
68. For studies of early Tang poetry circles, see Yu Meiyun, “Lun Tang Taizong shi”; Wang Qixing and Tang Dianwei, “Zhenguan shitan de zai pingjia,” pp. 34–39; and Jia Jinhua, Tangdai jihui zongji,” pp. 11–42. For a general study of Tang poetry circles, see Chen Tiemin, “Tangdai de shitan zhongxin.”
69. The text used is Hanlin xueshi ji 翰林學士集, in Fu Xuancong, ed., Tangren xuan Tangshi xinbian. This is the Taiwanese reprint of the mainland Chinese edition, pub-This content downloaded from 129.174.21.5 on Sat, 20 Jul 2019 13:01:49 UTC
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238
The Significance of Court Poetry
nized around thirteen poetic topics; these are all matching poems by
members of Tang Taizong’s court. Xu Jingzong has the most poems with
twelve pieces (including a poem with a preface), followed by Taizong with
nine and Shangguan Yi 上官儀 (ca. 607–65) with six; other prominent
early Tang figures such as Yang Shidao 楊師道 (d. 647), Chu Suiliang,
and Zhangsun Wuji are represented by four or fewer each.
In the preface to the modern edition, the eminent Tang scholar Chen
Shangjun 陳尚君 notes that the earliest known copy of the Hanlin xueshi
ji was kept first in Tōdaiji 東大寺 ("Eastern Great Temple") in the city of Nara. In the fourteenth century, it was moved to Shinpuku Temple 真福
寺, located in modern-day Nagoya. The text was reintroduced in China
by a late nineteenth century scholar named Chen Tian 陳田, who copied
it into his Lingfeng caotang congshu 靈峰草堂叢書 ( Collectanea of the
Lingfeng Grass Hut).70 The last page of the manuscript is marked by a
handwritten notation one column over from the last poem, which reads ji
juan di’er, shi yi 集卷第二詩一. The style of this inscription, the scholar
Mori Tatsuyuki 森立之 (1807–85) notes, likely dates it to sometime be-
fore the Engi 延喜 reign period (901–23) in Japan; however, nothing fur-
ther seems to be known about it.71
The title of the Hanlin xueshi ji is clearly a later editorial addition, since the Hanlin Academy did not exist as such under Taizong (it was inaugurated during the reign of Tang Xuanzong). Japanese scholars have sug-
gested that the work may have represented a collection of poems by mem-
bers of the Academy of Exalting Literature. Still, as Jia Jinhua points out,
&nb
sp; poets not in the academy are also represented.72 Chen Shangjun has sug-
gested that this is a lost fascicle of Xu Jingzong’s bieji 別集 (“individual
—————
lished in 1996 by Sha’anxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe. The other modern edition (with concordance) is: Masahiro Murata, Kanrin gakushi shū.
70. Chen Shangjun, “Hanlin xueshi ji qianji,” p. 3. For the edition of the collection preserved in Lingfeng caotang congshu, see Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1611, pp. 241–52.
71. See Mori Tatsuyuki’s short note, “‘Kanrin gakushi shū’ kaidai,” reprinted in Tangren xuan Tangshi xinbian, p. 35. For a recent facsimile reprint of the original entry, see Shibue Chūsai (1805–58) and Mori Tatsuyuki, eds., Keiseki hōkoshi, 6.14b–16b, in Jia Guirong, ed., Riben cang Hanji shanbenshu zhi shumu jicheng, vol. 1, pp. 391–418. The edition used by the modern editor is that of Xu Chengzu 徐承祖 (fl. 18th century), which was published
in 1882.
72. See Jia Jinhua, Tangdai jihui zongji, pp. 11–12.
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The Significance of Court Poetry
239
collection”), rather than a zongji 總集 (“general collection”) of Zhenguan
era court poets.73 The main evidence for this argument is the preeminence
given to Xu Jingzong, even over Taizong, in the collection. A quick glance
at the table of contents reveals that Xu Jingzong is not only the first poet
in the collection, but that he is represented in twelve of the thirteen topics
and even contributes the preface for the one poem (by Taizong) to which
he does not compose a harmonizing poem. Moreover, the eighth topic
specifies only the theme given to Xu Jingzong and is presented from his
perspective.74 In the absence of new evidence to the contrary, Chen
Shangjun’s theory is generally accepted by contemporary scholars.
The thirteen topics read as follows:
1. In Four Syllables: Accompanying the Crown Prince Set Forth Offer-
ings, One Poem Composed to Princely Command 四言奉陪皇太子釋
奠詩一首應令.75 Poem (in ten sections) by Xu Jingzong.
2. In Four Syllables: Inscription on the Grand Feast by the Winding
Pool, together with Seven Poems Composed at the Same Occasion 四言
曲池酺飲座銘並同作七首.76 Poems by Zheng Yuanshu 鄭元 , Yu
Zhining 于志寧, Shen Shu’an 沈叔安, Zhang Houyin 張後胤, Zhang
Wencong 張文琮, Xu Jingzong, and Lu Jin 陸搢.
3. In Five Syllables: Harmonizing with “Attending a Feast at the Yiluan
Basilica in Early Autumn.” Composed to Imperial Command, with Four
Poems and an Imperial Poem, on the Received Topic of Early Autumn 五
言奉和侍宴儀鸞殿早秋應詔並同應詔四首並御詩賦得早秋. Po-
ems by the Cultured Emperor Taizong 太宗文皇帝; Zhangsun Wuji,
Yang Shidao, Zhu Zishe 朱子奢, and Xu Jingzong.
—————
73. See Chen Shangjun, “Hanlin xueshi ji qianji,” p. 4.
74. This is noted by Chen Tian, in his preface to the text. Reprinted in Tangren xuan Tangshi xinbian, p. 32.
75. The term shidian 釋奠 is used in the Record of Ritual to refer to offerings made to teachers of the past at the establishment of a school and thereafter in the autumn, winter, and spring. See Li ji xunzuan, 8.317.
76. A pu feast was given by an emperor to show his appreciation for his subjects. These often lasted several days. See Li Bincheng et al., Sui Tang Wudai shehui shenghuo shi, p. 62.
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The Significance of Court Poetry
4. In Five Syllables: A Poetic Preface to “Attending a Feast at Mt.
Zhong.” Composed to Imperial Command with an Imperial Poem 五言
侍宴中山詩序一首奉敕制並御詩. Preface by Xu Jingzong. Poem by
the Cultured Emperor Taizong.
5. In Five Syllables: Attending a Feast at Liaodong at the Cusp of Au-
tumn, All Were Assigned the Rhyme lin. Composed to Imperial Com-
mand, together with Poems by the Three Directors and an Imperial Poem
五言遼東春侍宴臨秋同賦臨韻應詔並同作三省並御詩. Poems by
the Cultured Emperor Taizong, Chu Suiliang, Xu Jingzong, and Shang-
guan Yi.
6. In Five Syllables: On a Spring Day, Attending a Feast and Gazing at
the Sea, All Were Assigned the Rhyme guang. Composed to Imperial
Command, Together with Nine Presented Poems and an Imperial Poem
五言春日侍宴望海同賦光韻應詔並同上九首並御詩. Poems by the
Cultured Emperor Taizong, Zhangsun Wuji, Gao Shilian, Yang Shidao,
Liu Ji, Cen Wenben 岑文本, Chu Suiliang, Xu Jingzong, Shangguan Yi,
and Zheng Rengui 鄭仁軌.
7. In Five Syllables: Harmonizing with “Viewing the Traces of the Pa-
cification of Xue Ju at Shallow Waters Plain.” Composed to Imperial
Command, with Five Presented Poems and an Imperial Poem” 五言奉和
淺水原觀平薛舉舊跡應詔令同上五首並御詩.77 Poems by the Cul-
tured Emperor Taizong, Zhangsun Wuji, Yang Shidao, Chu Suiliang, Xu
Jingzong, and Shangguan Yi.
8. In Five Syllables: Attending a Feast at Yanqing Basilica, All Were
Assigned Individual Topics. I Received the Topic “Phoenix on the Eaved
Pavilion.” Composed to Imperial Command, with Three Presented Po-
ems and an Imperial Poem 五言侍宴延慶殿同賦別題得阿閣鳳應詔
並同上三首並御詩. Poems by the Cultured Emperor Taizong, Zhang-
sun Wuji, Xu Jingzong, and Shangguan Yi.
9. In Five Syllables: On Seventh Night, Attending a Feast, I Was As-
signed the Words gui, yi, fei, and ji. One Poem Composed to Imperial
—————
77. Chen Tian’s copy reads “Qianshui yuan” 淺水源 instead of the correct “Qianshui yu-
an” 淺水原. Chen Shangjun’s edition reprints this error without comment.
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The Significance of Court Poetry
241
Command 五言七夕侍宴賦得歸衣飛機一首應詔. Poem by Xu Jing-
zong.
10. In Five Syllables: Attending a Banquet at the Yanqing Basilica, All
Assembled Were Assigned the Topic “Bird Amidst the Flowers.” One
Poem Composed to Imperial Command and an Imperial Poem 五言侍
宴延慶殿集同賦得花間鳥一首應詔並御詩. Poems by the Cultured
Emperor Taizong and Xu Jingzong.
11. In Five Syllables: Attending a Banquet at Shazha Palace, I Was As-
signed the Word qing. One Poem Composed to Imperial Command 五
言侍宴莎柵宮賦得情一首應詔. Poem by Xu Jingzong.
12. In Five Syllables: Attending a Banquet by the Rear Pool. A Palin-
dromic Poem Composed to Imperial Command 五言後池侍宴迴文詩
一首應詔. Poem by Xu Jingzong.
13. In Five Syllables: Harmonizing with “On Chess.” Composed to Im-
perial Command, with Six Presented Poems and an Imperial Poem 五言
奉和詠棋應詔並同上六首並御詩. Poem by the Cultured Emperor
Taizong, and two poems each by Xu Jingzong, Liu Ziyi 劉子翼, [and
Shangguan Yi].
As one can see, most of the poems included in the collection were written
at banquets and in the forms most commonly associated with party games,
such as yongwu shi and poems with assigned rhymes and characters. The ex-
ception is the seventh set, a group of poems written on viewing the old site
of a victory by Taizong (then the Prince of Qin) over the first major rival to
Tang sovereignty, the warlord Xue Ju (first mentioned in Chapter 1). It is
this set of poems that I propose to examine in the following pages, as a
critical counterbalance to the conventional understanding of court poetry.
“Traveling Past the Battlefield Where I Crushed Xue Ju”
The historical background to the seventh set of poems is crucial to their
understanding. In 617, following the collapse of the Sui, Xue Ju had pro-
claimed himself emperor of the Western Qin, ruling over the territory
northwest of Chang’an (in modern-day Gansu).78 Not long after Tang
—————
78. For Xue Ju’s biography, see Jiu Tang shu, 55.2245–48; Xin Tang shu, 86.3705–708.
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The Significance of Court Poetry
Gaozu took the capital region, Xue Ju’s army, which was commanded by
his oldest son, Xue Ren’gao 薛仁杲 (d. 618), took the city of Fufeng 扶風.
This posed an immediate threat to the Tang, as Fufeng could be used as a
strategic base for launching an attack on the capital region. In the autumn
of 618, the future Taizong led a force that defeated Xue’s army, driving
them back to the Gansu border. However, later in the same year, Xue Ju
trounced the Tang forces, which had been turned over to the leadership
of Liu Wenjing. Xue Ju died shortly afterwards.
At this point, his son, Xue Ren’gao, who is characterized in the stan-
dard histories as being a cruel and sadistic man, acceded to the throne.