The Poetics of Sovereignty
Page 62
(10) returning to his palace to reflect on the day’s events.
The work has a certain amount of literary historical importance, as it
was the first poetic work on the Tang imperial capital. In writing “The
—————
82. For a convenient gathering of traditional comments on Taizong and “The Imperial
Capital Poems,” see Chen Bohai et al., eds., Tangshi huiping, pp. 1–3.
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On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
353
Imperial Capital Poems,” Taizong followed in a well-marked tradition of
prior works on imperial capitals or imperial spaces, including Sima Xiang-
ru’s “Rhapsody on the Imperial Park” and Ban Gu’s “Two Capitals Rhap-
sody.” Despite the fact that Taizong had criticized both of these works for
their extravagant rhetoric, similar issues are present in both Taizong’s
poem-cycle and the Han grand fu compositions. Among other things,
they both concern imperial power as represented by a microcosm, ritual
sovereignty, the emperor’s body, and the problem of poetic and rhetorical
representation. Following Taizong’s “The Imperial Capital Poems,” there
were other poets that took the Tang capital as their topic, including Lu
Zhaolin 盧照鄰 (ca. 632–ca. 685) in his “Chang’an: Ancient Aims” 長安
古意 and Luo Binwang in “The Imperial Capital Poems.”83 However, the
concerns of both these works would be so different that it might seem
better to consider them as distant relatives of Taizong’s work.
I turn here to the preface to “The Imperial Capital Poems,” which
were composed sometime between 637 and 648.84 The preface reads:
When I have leisure from the king’s business, I roam and find rest in the arts and
letters, where I have observed the sovereigns of successive dynasties and examined
the acts and affairs of those ages. Of Xuan [Yellow Thearch] and Hao [Fuxi], and
Shun and Yu, they are indeed without flaw. But when I come to the Emperor of
Qin and Mu of Zhou, Han Wudi and Wei Mingdi [Cao Rui], I find lofty build-
ings and carved walls, which were utterly lavish and extremely ornate. These
kings levied taxes all over the world, and left carriage tracks throughout the em-
pire. The nine regions had no way to match the demands, and [those people liv-
ing among] the rivers and seas could not supply the desires. Was it not indeed
right that they were overthrown or came to a bad end?
予以萬幾之暇，游息藝文。觀列代之皇王，考當時之行事。軒昊舜禹
之上，信無間然矣。至於秦皇周穆，漢武魏明，峻宇雕牆，窮侈極
麗。征稅殫於宇宙，轍蹟遍於天下。九州無以稱其求，江海不能贍其
欲。覆亡顛沛，不亦宜乎。
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83. See Owen, Poetry of the Early T’ang, pp. 103–22. Also, on Luo Binwang’s poem, see Chapter 6, note 58.
84. According to the Jiu Tangshu biography of Li Boyao, several years after the compilation of the Wu li 五禮 (here, referring to the five ritual divisions of the Zhenguan li) in 637, Taizong composed “The Imperial Capital Poems” and commanded Li to write a
matching set. Li died in 648. See Jiu Tang shu, 72.2577. Hu Kexian identifies the year as 641, though it is not clear from the historical evidence how he arrives at that particular year; see “Tang Taizong shige kaobian,” p. 65.
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354
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
As with the opening lines of “The Golden Mirror,” Taizong here begins
with the allusion to Confucius’ “roaming in the arts” 游於藝.85 Like Con-
fucius, Taizong is saying that he “roams and rests in the arts and letters” 游
息藝文 in the time left over from other duties. Of course, for Taizong, the
term yiwen refers specifically to the literary arts and not to the arts of the Zhou dynasty noblemen, which included archery and chariot driving.
As Stephen Owen has noted, the framing of leisure time creates a pecu-
liar difficulty for Taizong, introducing the notion of “surplus time” where
the economy of imperial duty does not permit it.86 Yet this may be a prob-
lem of multiple allusions. Taizong takes the idea of leisure both from the
Confucian tradition, and from a more literary source: the preface that Xiao
Tong, the Zhaoming Crown Prince of the Liang dynasty, composed for the
Wen xuan 文選 ( Selections of Refined Literature). There, Xiao Tong writes: When I have leisure from governing [the state] and soothing [the people], I
spend many idle days sightseeing in the garden of literature, broadly viewing the
forest of words; never once does my mind not roam [in these realms] or my eyes
not contemplate [the scenes], and though time passes I forget my weariness.
余監撫餘閑，居多暇日，歷觀文囿，泛覽辭林。未嘗不心遊目想，移
晷忘倦。87
While Xiao Tong’s account does not explicitly make a moral argument,
he indicates that the reading of literature belongs to leisure ( xiari 暇日)
and is not part of the “official time” of the ruler. In a way, the problem of
leisure does not seem to trouble Xiao Tong—for him, it is pure leisure
and pure literary enjoyment (and he is only a prince, after all, and not yet
the ruler)—whereas it poses a serious problem for Taizong. We see this
when Taizong describes the same leisure moment as the Zhaoming
Crown Prince, and then immediately feels compelled to explain that what
he is doing has been to observe “the sovereigns of successive dynasties and
examine the acts and affairs of those ages.” The Tang emperor, mindful of
the condemnation of southern indolence (after all, Xiao Tong was a
prince of the Liang), attempts to return Xiao Tong’s leisurely reading of
literature to the moral discourse of Confucius. For Taizong, the reading
—————
85. Again, see Lunyu 7.6 / Lunyu jishi, 13.443.
86. Owen, “Difficulty of Pleasure,” p. 13.
87. See “Preface to the Wen xuan” 文選序, in Wen xuan, p. 2.
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On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
355
of literary works is like that of historical works; the text is a speculum that provides moral instruction. That is, to justify his leisure time, Taizong
must reconvert it into “official time,” time in which he may refine his un-
derstanding of the imperial role.
Taizong then goes on to praise the exemplary rulers of the past for be-
ing “indeed without flaw,” and more importantly, to criticize the tyrants
of history (Qin Shihuang, King Mu of Zhou, Han Wudi, and Wei Ming-
di). He condemns them for familiar transgressions: the selfish use of state
finances, the love of building palaces and of ornamentation, an indulgence
in excessive travel throughout the empire (or beyond, in the case of King
Mu, to whom various legends are attached), and the harsh taxes levied to
support their extravagance. The ascetic discourse of sovereignty is
once
again used to distinguish between sagely rulers and those who bring de-
struction upon themselves and their states through a love of ornamenta-
tion or pleasure tours. Following on this, Taizong situates himself within
the history of sovereignty:
I have followed the traces of the last of the hundred kings, and let my mind gallop
through a thousand years. Deeply moved in my meditations on the past, I have
pondered the likes of those wise men. Using the customs of Yao and Shun, I
would sweep away the faults of the Qin and Han. Using the tunes of the “Xian”
and “Ying,” I would transform the corruption of the tones.88 Seeking for it in
human feelings, it should not be difficult. Thus I have observed the civil teach-
ings of the Six Classics and examined the martial deeds of the “Seven Virtues.”89
予追蹤百王之末，馳心千載之下。慷慨懷古，想彼哲人。庶以堯舜之
風，蕩秦漢之弊。用《咸》、《英》之曲，變爛熳之音。求之人情，
不為難矣。故觀文教於六經，閱武功於七德。
Taizong characterizes the newly founded Tang as a return to the ways of
the sage-kings, and a rejection of the great Qin and Han empires. This
sentiment is not new. Even in the Han dynasty, great unease towards the
reality of empire caused political thinkers to seek a way of according the
—————
88. “Xian” 咸 refers to “Xian Pool” 咸池, the tune attributed to the Yellow Thearch.
“Ying” 英 refers to “Six Blossoms” (or sometimes “Five Blossoms”), a composition of Di Ku. See Han shu, 22.1038; and Sui shu, 13.286. Also see Chapter 5, note 141.
89. On the “Seven Virtues,” see Chapter 4, note 97. After 633, Taizong took a dance commemorating one of his victories which he had previously choreographed, and changed its name to “Dance of the Seven Virtues” 七舞德. New lyrics were written by Wei Zheng,
Chu Liang, Yu Shinan, and Li Boyao. For the text of this song, see Yuefu shiji, 97.1361.
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356
On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
violent foundings and authoritarian imperial structures of the Qin and
Han with the cultural ideologies of moral virtue. After all, rulers were
supposed to come to power through moral exemplarity and ritual perfec-
tion, not through violence or warfare. Of course, neither the Tang found-
ing or Taizong’s own accession to the throne was particularly peaceful.
Still, by disavowing the Qin and Han dynasties, and invoking the “cus-
toms of Yao and Shun” and the “tunes of the ‘Xian’ and ‘Ying,’” Taizong
effectively identifies his reign with more enlightened ones and displaces
the problem of empire from further discussion.
Having invoked the model of the sage-kings as his own, Taizong goes on
to provide a short discourse on the “customs of Yao and Shun”:
With my terraces and pavilions, I will only have those that ward off heat and
wetness; with my bells and chimes I will only venerate the harmonizing of spirits
and humans. All will be restrained by moderating harmony, and nothing will
touch upon licentiousness or abandon. Thus moats and ditches may bring de-
light—why bother with the shores of rivers and seas? The Unicorn Pavilion may
bring diversion—why bother with the lands of mountains and mounds?90 Loyal
and decent men may provide fellowship—why bother with spirits and immortals
over the seas? At Feng and Hao, one may go roaming—why bother with the Jas-
per Pool?91 But if [I] reject the substantial for decoration, and if I, being human, follow my desires,92 then chaos will be brought upon the great Way—this is that
for which the gentleman feels shame. Thus, I have transmitted the “Imperial
Capital” poems in order to make clear my elegant aims.
臺榭取其避燥溼，金石尚其諧神人。皆節之於中和，不係之於淫放。
故溝洫可悅，何必江海之濱乎。麟閣可玩，何必山陵之間乎。忠良可
接，何必海上神仙乎。豐鎬可遊，何必瑤池之上乎。釋實求華，以人
從欲，亂於大道，君子恥之。故述《帝京篇》以明雅志云爾。
Once again, this is sovereign askēsis. As we have seen in Taizong’s final
edict concerning the Feng and Shan sacrifices, there are certain expenses
—————
90. The “Unicorn Pavilion” 麟閣 (or 麒麟閣) is where portraits of meritorious officials
were hung. See Han shu, 54.2468–69.
91. Feng and Hao are the respective capitals of King Wen and King Wu of the Zhou dy-
nasty. See Shi ji, 6.256. “Jasper Pool,” as discussed earlier, was the site of the Queen Mother of the West’s reception of King Mu.
92. The sense of the phrase yi ren cong yu 以人從欲 is unclear. It might also be translated as “use the people according to my desires.” Paul W. Kroll, in a personal communication, has suggested taking the character 人 as an error for 入, which would result in the following reading: “in order to indulge in personal whims” 以入從欲.
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On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
357
necessary for the sovereign to do his work (the summer palace, for in-
stance), but what is spent should only cover what is adequate for the sov-
ereign and nothing more. The promise that he will only play harmonizing
music is related to the issue of adequacy and ascetic denial, insofar as this
kind of music does not delight the ear but only carries out its proper social
function. Taizong goes on to say that he will delight in his moats and
ditches, asking, “why bother with the shores of rivers and seas?” By this,
he is negating the option of the pleasurable journey out of the capital to
the lush Jiangnan region, an imperial practice associated most recently
with Sui Yangdi. He says that he will enjoy the pleasures of the Unicorn
Pavilion, where paintings of worthies are hung; thus, he asks, “why bother
with the lands of mountains and mounds?” This statement rejects the
quest for immortality, since the mountains and mounds allude to the
Feng and Shan rites, to the desires of Qin Shihuang and Han Wudi to
win personal glory and the secrets of deification. This is again the topic of
the next statement, in which he chooses association with his worthy offi-
cials, and asks, “why bother with spirits and immortals over the seas?”
The last such negation is particularly interesting, as Taizong argues
that the ancient sites of Feng and Hao, the Zhou capitals of Kings Wen
and Wu (respectively), offer great satisfaction, so “why bother with the
Jasper Pool?” These are different models of literary traveling, the former
taking place through the moral poetics of huaigu, and the latter through
the private fantasy of youxian 遊仙 (“roaming with the immortals”). By
choosing the huaigu model over the youxian model, Taizong is rejecting a poetic subgenre that had been quite popular with prior emperors and
princes, one that brought up rather problematic issues of the private body
and sexual pleasure.
As we can see, Taizong’s ascetic gestures take t
he form of exchanges, or
substitutions of one satisfaction for another. To be precise, one might say
that there are two forms of tropic substitution here. The first is the ex-
change made through synecdoche—the reduction of scale. We see this in
Taizong’s elevation of his moats and ditches above the coasts and rivers.
In this exchange, Taizong does not disavow the form that extravagant so-
vereign pleasure takes; he only limits the scope, arguing that true pleasures
are to be found in what is local and domestic and not what is far away. Af-
ter all, the ruler may control his pleasures in the domestic and familiar,
since limits are posed upon him. This logic extends to the very idea of the
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On “The Imperial Capital Poems”
imperial capital, which is figured as a miniature of the empire, the govern-
able microcosm of the more chaotic and dangerous whole. The second is
the exchange based on moral and economic valuation. Again, this con-
cerns the elevation of the domestic over the exotic or distant, since Tai-
zong is concerned with ascetic representation. However, there is the fur-
ther moral condemnation of the Qin and Han in particular (along with
King Mu of Zhou), for their inability to recognize that the sovereign’s
body is a public thing and not to be used in private enjoyment.
Yet Taizong himself introduces the topic of pleasure with the terms “de-
light” ( yue 悅) and “diversion” ( wan 玩) into this discourse on sovereign askēsis. Pleasure, after all, is usually what leads to excess and extravagance; it sits uneasily with Taizong’s rhetoric of self-limitation and corporeal restrictions. Here is an ambivalence that returns us to the verb that Taizong
uses to characterize his leisurely reading: you 遊, or “to roam.” Unlike the
pavilion that should exist only to provide shelter, the act of roaming has no
purpose, or rather, the purpose of roaming is found in the pleasure it pro-
vides. Also, after Sui Yangdi and his extravagant tours of the empire, the
term you in the context of sovereignty had acquired serious negative conno-
tations. The proper tradition of moral roaming that has its origins in the