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Further Reading
Recent all‐round works on the subject of ancient Near Eastern Law, comprising many chapters on Assyrian law of various periods, are Westbrook (ed.) 2003 and, in Italian, Liverani and Mora (eds.) 2008. For a handy collection of translations of the Mesopotamian “law codes” and other collections of juridical material, see Roth 1997. On specific aspects of juridical procedure, see, e.g., Bellotto and Ponchia (eds.) 2009. For legal‐institutional aspects of various periods of Assyrian history see, inter alia, Dercksen 2004 (Old Assyrian) and Postgate 2007 (Middle Assyrian and Neo‐Assyrian). For the role of the god Assur in Middle/Neo‐Assyrian law and institutions, see Holloway 2002. On the “loyalty oaths” of Esarhaddon from Nimrud/Kalḫu, and their newly discovered counterpart from Tell Tayinat, see most recently Fales 2012b. Fales 2015 is the most recent treatment of Sennacherib’s “Seal of Destinies” and its implications.
CHAPTER 23
Assyrian Cities and Architecture
John M. Russell
Introduction
Throughout its history, Assyrian architecture was constructed almost exclusively of mud brick. Large structures were often built atop mud brick foundations or foundation platforms. Limestone is plentiful in Assyria, but was used architecturally primarily in structures that were exposed to running water, such as river walls and aqueducts, or for defensive purposes, as facing for fortification walls. Major exterior doorways were usually marked by projecting gate towers and in the later periods were often crowned with arches of mud brick. Most interior floors were of beaten earth, which in important rooms must have been covered with reed mats and carpets. Floors exposed to the elements, as in courtyards and terraces, or subjected to running water, as in the rooms conventionally called “bathrooms,” were paved, either with baked bricks or with stone slabs. These paving bricks and slabs are sometimes inscribed and are one of our most plentiful sources of information concerning the identity of royal builders. Roofs were supported on wooden beams, capped by reed mats and a layer of mud. In the cases of very large rooms, the Assyrian kings tell us that roofing timbers were of cedar imported from Lebanon. Small rooms, such as the underground royal tombs in the Northwest Palace at Kalḫu, were sometimes roofed with vaults of baked brick.
There are three types of primary evidence for Assyrian architecture. The first is the buildings themselves, recovered through archaeological excavations at Assyrian sites. Sometimes such a building contains inscriptions built into its fabric – usually on bricks, paving tiles, or foundation inscriptions – that identify its builder. In the absence of such texts, the date of construction may be conjectured based on stratigraphy or similarities to dated buildings. The second type of evidence is inscriptions that were once part of a structure, but excavated in secondary context. In the Neo‐Assyrian period, such textual evidence is occasionally augmented by letters and administrative texts. Often such documents provide sufficient detail that we may be confident that the building described existed at the site, even if no trace of the physical structure survives. The third type of evidence is documentation by a later king of the construction activities of his forbears. This usually occurs when a king finds documents from an earlier builder in a building he is reconstructing. In such cases the later king lists the previous builders in the written account of his own work.
The city wall of Ashur provides excellent examples of all three types of evidence. A clay foundation cone of the Middle Assyrian king Aššur‐rem‐nišešu found embedded in a section of the city wall that he restored lists previous builders of the wall as Kikkiya, Ikunum, Sargon I, Puzur‐Aššur II, and Aššur‐nirari I. Aššur‐nirari’s work is confirmed by a clay cone of his that was found in the city wall, but this is the only record that the other four kings worked on the wall. Much later, the Neo‐Assyrian king Shalmaneser III, who did extensive work on the wall, reported that previous builders included Kikkiya, Ikunum, Puzur‐Aššur III, Adad‐nirari I, Tukulti‐Ninurta I, and Tiglath‐pileser I (Grayson 1987: 86, 101; 1996: 55, 58). The work of the last four kings is confirmed by their own texts, found both in primary and secondary contexts at Ashur, while Shalmaneser may have copied the first two from cones of Aššur‐rem‐nišešu.
Ashur in the Third Millennium BCE
Originally, the Assyrians were the people of the city of Ashur (modern Qal‘at Širqaṭ), cult city of the god Assur and political ca
pital of the land of Ashur (Assyria). Ashur is sited on a stone bluff on the west bank of the Tigris river 100 kilometers south of Mosul (ancient Nineveh). The site has excellent natural defenses, as the Tigris flowed beneath the north and east sides of the city in antiquity, so only its southwest – landward – side required extensive fortifications (Figure 23.1). Due to its location at the southern margin of the rain‐fed agricultural zone, dry farming is unreliable here, but to the north and east of the city the Tigris valley opens out into a broad basin where irrigation is practical. Located just north of the rugged Jebel Makhul–Jebel Ḥamrin ridge, it is a natural crossroads for major trade routes connecting Anatolia, Babylonia, and Iran, and was also able to benefit from trade with nomadic groups that migrated along the northern fringe of the desert (Oates 1968: 7, 14–15, 19–21).
Figure 23.1 Ashur, city plan; adapted by the author from Andrae 1938: Beilage.
Because of the relatively compressed stratigraphy in the oldest part of Ashur its earliest settlement history is unknown. The oldest excavated structure was the temple of Ištar of Ashur. Five levels, designated D, E, F, G, and H, were found superimposed over one another. Temple G was built on the wall stumps of temple H, the earliest level, and their plans were similar. Both had a courtyard entered from the west, surrounded by subsidiary rooms. Running parallel to the court on its east side was a rectangular cella, at the north end of which was a shallow cult chamber with a platform against its rear wall (cella plus cult chamber: 15 × 6 meters). Level F actually represents the later floor levels in Temple G, so Bär redesignated this level “GF” to indicate its continuity with G. The destruction debris of G included statues similar to Early Dynastic IIIB examples from Mari (ca. 2400 BCE), and these have been used to date temple G to that period, while a female head in Akkadian or Ur III style from the GF debris suggests that the temple continued in use at least into the Akkadian period (Andrae 1922: 5–21, 27–97; Bär 2003a: 41–65, 316–17; 2003b).