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Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing: Current Developments and Future Directions

Page 15

by Ray Bull, Tim Valentine, Dr Tom Williamson


  chapter I have argued that if much is known about the interrogations and the

  circumstances surrounding it (see the Sneek balcony murder case) defi nitive

  answers can be given to the veracity of the confession. If less is known, some-

  times defi nitive answers can be given, as in the Schiedam Park murder. I have

  also argued that personality traits and the nature of the interrogations per se

  are not very useful, but also not entirely useless, in identifying false

  confessions.

  Acknowledgement

  I thank Menno Ezinga, Nicole Haas, Kim Megens and Roos Marijn Kok for

  their help in analysing the interrogations of the Sneek balcony murder. All

  quotes are from the formal police transcription of the interrogation and trans-

  lated from the Dutch by the author.

  References

  Bem , D. J. & Funder , D. C. ( 1978 ). Predicting more of the people more of the time:

  Assessing the personality of situations . Psychological Review , 85 , 485 – 501 .

  Blaauw ,

  J. A.

  (

  2002 ).

  De Puttense moordzaak: Reconstructie van een dubieus moor

  donderzoek [The Putten murder case: Reconstruction of a dubious murder inquiry] ,

  3rd edition . Baarn : Fontein .

  Gudjonsson , G. H. ( 2003 ). The psychology of interrogations and confessions: A handbook .

  Chichester : Wiley .

  Horselenberg , R. , Merckelbach , H. & Josephs , S. ( 2003 ). Individual differences and

  false confessions: A conceptual replication of Kassin and Kiechel (1996) . Psychology,

  Crime, and Law , 9 , 1 – 8 .

  Inbau , F. E. , Reid , J. E. , Buckley , J. P. & Jayne , B. C. ( 2001 ). Criminal interrogation

  and confessions , 4th edition . Gaithersburg, MD : Aspen .

  Isra ë ls , H. ( 2004 ). De bekentenissen van Ina Post [The confessions by Ina Post] . Alphen

  aan den Rijn : Kluwer .

  Isra ë ls , H. & Van Koppen , P. J. ( 2006 ). Daderkennis, politiekennis en sturend verho-

  ren [Suspect knowledge, police knowledge and steering interrogations ]. Nederlands

  Tijdschrift voor Rechtsfi losofi e en Rechtstheorie , 35 , 8 – 18 .

  Langbein , J. H. ( 1977 ). Torture and the law of proof: Europe and England in the ancien

  r é gime . Chicago : University of Chicago Press .

  Langbein , J. H. ( 1983 ). Torture . In S. H. Kadish (Ed.), Encyclopedia of crime and

  justice . New York : Free Press .

  Mischel , W. ( 1977 ). The interaction of person and situation . In D. Magnusson &

  N. S. Endler (Eds.), Personality at the crossroads: Current issues in international

  psychology . Hillsdale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum .

  Mischel , W. ( 1979 ). On the interface of cognition and personality: Beyond the person –

  situation debate . American Psychologist , 34 , 740 – 754 .

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  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing

  Ofshe , R. J. ( 1989 ). Coerced confessions: The logic of seemingly irrational action .

  Cultic Studies Journal , 6 , 1 – 15 .

  Olson , E. A. & Wells , G. L. ( 2004 ). What makes a good alibi? A proposed taxonomy .

  Law and Human Behavior , 28 , 157 – 176 .

  Ost , J. , Costall , A. & Bull , R. H. C. ( 2001 ). False confessions and false memories: A

  model for understanding retractors ’ experiences . Journal of Forensic Psychiatry , 12 ,

  549 – 579 .

  Van Koppen , P. J. ( 2003 ). De Schiedammer parkmoord: Een rechtspsychologische recon-

  structie [The Schiedam park murder: A legal psychological reconstruction] . Nijmegen :

  Ars Aequi Libri (met medewerking van Ch. Dudink, M. van der Graaf, M. de

  Haas, J. van Luik en V. Wijsman).

  Van Koppen , P. J. ( 2008 ). Blundering justice: The Schiedam Park murder . In R. N.

  Kocsis (Ed.),

  Serial murder and the psychology of violent crimes .

  Totowa, NJ

  :

  Humana .

  Van Oorsouw , K. I. M. , Merckelbach , H. , Ravelli , D. P. , Nijman , H. L. I. & Mekking -

  Pompen , I. ( 2004 ). Alcoholic blackout for criminally relevant behavior . Journal

  of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law , 32 , 364 – 371 .

  Vrij , A. ( 1998 ). Interviewing suspects . In A. Memon , A. Vrij & R. H. C. Bull (Eds.),

  Psychology and law: Truthfulness, accuracy and credibility . London : McGraw Hill .

  Wagenaar , W. A. & Crombag , H. F. M. ( 2005 ). The popular policeman and other cases:

  Psychological perspectives on legal evidence .

  Amsterdam :

  Amsterdam University

  Press .

  Wagenaar , W. A. , Van Koppen , P. J. & Crombag , H. F. M. ( 1993 ). Anchored narra-

  tives: The psychology of criminal evidence . London : Harvester Wheatsheaf .

  Cases

  Hof (Appelate Court) ’ s - Hertogenbosch , 26 February 2008 , LJN - number BC 5105

  (see www.rechtspraak.nl ).

  Chapter Five

  The Investigation of Terrorist Offences

  in the United Kingdom: The Context

  and Climate for Interviewing Offi cers

  John Pearse

  Managing Director of Forensic Navigation Services Ltd.

  This chapter will refl ect on how political and legal activity in the wake of the

  atrocities of September 2001 has impacted on police terrorist investigations

  and on the role of the police interviewer in particular. Specifi cally, it will

  examine fundamental differences between everyday criminal investigations and

  terrorist cases, recent legislative changes designed to limit the extent to which

  a detainee may exercise the right of silence, and fi nally provide an insight into

  the nature and type of tactics adopted by police in recent terrorist cases.

  Introduction

  The traumatic events in New York in September 2001 (9/11) served to propel

  terrorism to the forefront of everybody ’ s mind; it was an outrage that precipi-

  tated a great deal of introspection not only at a personal level, but also at a

  national and political level. In the United Kingdom (UK) The Terrorism Act

  2000 (TACT) had recently been enacted, replacing previous ‘ temporary ’ ter-

  rorist provisions. Though framed by the UK

  ’ s experience of terrorism in

  Northern Ireland, the introduction of TACT was seen as a tacit acceptance of

  the need for permanent legislation to counter terrorist activity both within the

  UK and abroad. It replaced temporary legislation (Prevention of Terrorism

  [Temporary Provisions] Act ) in force since November 1974 which had required

  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing: Current Developments and Future Directions

  Edited by Ray Bull, Tim Valentine and Tom Williamson

  © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

  70

  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing

  annual renewal by Parliament. The UK government ’ s response in the face of

  this ‘ new ’ threat from global terrorists capable of executing a multifaceted

  attack unfettered by geographic location included additional terrorist legisla-

  tion and an examination of the UK ’ s response mechanisms and resilience to

  counter such terrorist activity within its own shores. The Anti - Terrorism Crime

  and Security Act 2001 (ATCS) was fi rst signalled by the UK government as

  early as 3 October 2001. The fashion for legislation to be shaped by dramatic

  and tragic events, however, wa
s not new; earlier examples appeared in the

  aftermath of the Birmingham bomb outrage in 1974 (ibid.), the Omagh

  tragedy in 1998, and more recently the Patriot Act 2001 in the United States

  (US) after 9/11. (For details of the ATCS act, see Walker, 2002.)

  The substance and evolving framework of this counter - terrorism review is

  neatly captured in a discussion paper published by the Home Offi ce (2004;

  see also the various reports on the operation of TACT by Lord Carlile and on

  proposals for changes to the laws against terrorism; www.homeoffi ce.gov.uk ),

  which acknowledges the international dimension of the new suicide threat and

  the increased risks facing UK and US interests. It also confi rmed that the ter-

  rorist groups used sophisticated new communication technology, were skilled

  in evading surveillance and had the ability to assume multiple identities and

  travel with some ease across borders. The unconventional, loose - knit structure

  of multiple terrorist groups gathered across the world, motivated by religious

  and cultural belief systems rather than any particular political ideology, was

  also identifi ed as presenting considerable diffi culties for the gathering and

  sharing of credible intelligence.

  The successful prosecution of terrorist suspects according to the UK

  ’ s

  established legal code remains one of the government ’ s main objectives in the

  continuing fi ght against terrorism. However, in attempting to pursue such an

  objective, a number of practical and ethical issues emerged that conspired to

  frustrate. These included the reluctance of some foreign governments to allow

  their material to be used in an evidential format and the continuing diffi culty

  experienced by the UK intelligence services in being able to release sensitive

  material that might meet the demands of the evidential threshold without

  endangering the original source or indeed the methodology concerned. Such

  a predicament was neatly encapsulated by the presence in the UK of a number

  of terrorist suspects of foreign nationality against whom charges could not be

  brought and who could not be deported to their country of origin for fear of

  possible human rights abuses. These individuals were detained without charge

  under Part 4 of the ATCS – a measure subsequently declared unlawful by the

  House of Lords in December 2004 ([2004] UKHL 56. The government has

  since repealed the Part 4 powers under the ATCS and replaced them with a

  system of control orders under the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005 (see

  Walker, 2002 ).

  The post - 9/11 period also witnessed an increase in the number of terrorist

  atrocities around the world (e.g., Madrid, Bali, Saudi Arabia, Jakarta, Casablanca

  and Istanbul) and in the UK a number of high - profi le, multi - agency counter -

  The Investigation of Terrorist Offences in the United Kingdom

  71

  terrorist operations took place with New Scotland Yard ’ s Counter Terrorism

  Command (CTC) assuming the investigative lead. Such operations included

  Operation Springbourne (commonly known as the ‘ Ricin Conspiracy ’ ); the

  search and arrests at the Finsbury Park Mosque, in north London; prosecutions

  brought against those attempting to commit suicide attacks in London on 21

  July 2005, and many others that are still to appear in court and are therefore

  sub judice . The international dimension also served to focus attention on the

  vagaries associated with so many different judicial systems and the compatibil-

  ity, or lack of it, in relation to the exchange of evidence or the sharing of

  intelligence. However, amongst members of the UK security services and CT

  police there is a perception that the present legal system fails to recognize, or

  maximize, the opportunity to gather intelligence from persons detained for

  terrorist offences (see Report on the Operation in 2004 of the Terrorism Act

  2000 , p. 37, para. 136 et seq.).

  Police interviewing of suspects remains one of the optimum scenarios for

  the gathering of evidence and intelligence and it may prove worthwhile to

  examine what we have learnt as a result of empirical research in the fi eld of

  police interviewing before we consider the legal issues.

  Police i nterviewing in the UK

  In the UK, the interview process stands out as the only inquisitorial element

  within an adversarial system of justice. It is designed to allow the suspect an

  opportunity to refute any allegations, to provide his or her side of the story

  or to remain silent in the face of questioning and so limit the likelihood of

  self - incrimination. For the police it is an opportunity to investigate the credibil-

  ity of an allegation and, where necessary, to challenge a detainee ’ s version of

  events. The Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE) legislated that all

  police interviews with suspects had to be tape - recorded and by 1992 such

  technology had been deployed in all police stations in the UK. As well as

  providing a more transparent and accountable reference to assist the criminal

  justice process, the taping of interviews provided a reliable and accurate record

  of exactly what was taking place for research purposes.

  The conduct of police interviewing was subject to a major overhaul after

  research conducted for the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice in 1993

  (Home Offi ce, Cmnd 2263) revealed a number of areas for improvement; in

  particular offi cers were found to be poorly prepared, lacking in confi dence and

  often failed to grasp the core requirements of the prosecution case (see Baldwin,

  1993 ). A national police interview training programme designed to remedy

  such defi ciencies was implemented, and for the fi rst time all police offi cers in

  England and Wales were provided with a clear structure to follow. The mne-

  monic PEACE (

  P lanning and preparation,

  E ngage and explain,

  A ccount,

  clarifi cation and challenge, C losure and E valuation) was used to reinforce this

  new model, which was aimed at educating offi cers in the benefi ts of an

  72

  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing

  information - gathering process, to provide them with a straightforward and

  adaptable mechanism, and to steer them away from seeking a confession per

  se towards a more ethical target of seeking the truth: a deliberate shift from

  interrogation to investigative interviewing (Williamson,

  1993 ). This pro-

  gramme now represents the fi rst level of interview training for all police

  offi cers.

  Interestingly, a review of the quality of police station legal advice for the

  same Royal Commission identifi ed similar problems and criticized the passive

  role adopted by many legal practitioners and the limited nature of the advice

  given (McConville & Hodgson, 1993 ). As a result the Law Society imple-

  mented a new training regime and all police station legal advisers who were

  not qualifi ed solicitors were required to achieve accreditation within this new

  scheme (Law Society, 1994 ; Ede & Shepherd, 2000; this latter publication

  has been described as encouraging a more confrontational approach by police

  station leg
al advisers).

  The availability of an accurate audio record of what took place in the police

  interview opened up for scientifi c research a dialogue that had previously taken

  place behind closed doors. Thus the role of the legal adviser, interpreter and

  the appropriate adult (AA), parties independent of the police whose role is to

  safeguard the welfare and rights of vulnerable individuals, were now also

  subject to scrutiny. Issues surrounding why people confess or chose to exercise

  their right of silence (RoS) also became subject to empirical investigation.

  Research fi ndings into w hy p eople c onfess

  The research literature suggests that there are three important contextual

  factors associated with why a suspect would make an admission or a

  confession:

  • access to legal advice;

  • the strength of the evidence against the suspect; and

  • the interviewing tactics adopted by the police.

  (For an excellent review of this entire area of research, see Gudjonsson, 2003.)

  There are also three overlapping facilitative (or internal) factors associated

  with the process of confession and admission:

  • external pressure (persuasive interviewing tactics, fear of confi nement,

  police behaviour);

  • internal pressure (experiencing guilt and the need to confess);

  • perception of proof (they believe there is no point in denial).

  Intuitively, such factors make a great deal of sense.

  The admission/confession rate in the UK ranges from 55% to 59%, although

  there is often great variation between stations. Suspects who choose to have

  The Investigation of Terrorist Offences in the United Kingdom

  73

  access to legal advice are about four times less likely to make a confession or

  an admission compared to those without such advice (Pearse, Gudjonsson,

  Clare & Rutter, 1998 ). The presence of a legal adviser was found to have a

  signifi cant infl uence on the extent to which a person will exercise their RoS.

  Moston, Stephenson & Williamson (1993) found great variation between sta-

  tions, with 8% using the RoS in the Holborn area of London compared to

  25% in Uxbridge. These researchers suggest that RoS was also associated with

  the seriousness of the offence and previous convictions. They also noted that

  RoS did not affect the decision to prosecute and that those using this tactic

 

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