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Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing: Current Developments and Future Directions

Page 49

by Ray Bull, Tim Valentine, Dr Tom Williamson

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  Chapter Fifteen

  Recent Developments

  in North American Identifi cation

  Science and Practice

  Steven D. Penrod

  John Jay College of Criminal Justice

  City University of New York

  and

  Margaret Bull Kovera

  John Jay College of Criminal Justice

  City University of New York

  Mistaken e yewitness i dentifi cations

  A number of scholars, beginning with Borchard & Lutz (1932) , have studied

  the causes of erroneous convictions by examining errors in hundreds of crimi-

  nal cases (see especially Frank & Frank, 1957 ; Brandon & Davies, 1973 ; Huff,

  Rattner & Sagarin, 1986 ; Rattner, 1988 ; Gross, Jacoby, Matheson, Montgomery

  & Patil, 2005 ; Garrett, 2008 ). It has long been clear that a principal source

  of the problem is mistaken eyewitness identifi cations. Gross et al . (2005) , for

  example, examined 340 exonerations (327 men and 13 women) that occurred

  between 1989 and 2003. The cases included 121 rape exonerations (88%

  involving mistaken identifi cations), six robbery exonerations (all mistaken

  identifi

  cations) and 205 murder exonerations (50% involved mistaken

  identifi cations).

  The prominence of mistaken identifi cations as a source of erroneous convic-

  tions has been powerfully reaffi rmed by DNA exonerations evidence (Scheck,

  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing: Current Developments and Future Directions

  Edited by Ray Bull, Tim Valentine and Tom Williamson

  © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

  258

  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing

  Neufeld & Dwyer, 2000 ). Wells, Small, Penrod, Malpass, Fulero & Brimacombe

  (1998) looked at the fi rst 40 exoneration cases and found that 36 (90%)

  involved mistaken eyewitness identifi cations by one or more eyewitnesses. One

  person was identifi ed by fi ve eyewitnesses. These results are confi rmed in a

  study of the fi rst 200 DNA exoneration cases by Garrett

  (2008) , which

  revealed that (79%) were convicted, based at least in part on mistaken eyewit-

  ness testimony; in a quarter of the cases eyewitness testimony was the only

  direct evidence against the defendant. Eyewitnesses are not the sole problem:

  55% of the cases involved defective blood, fi ngerprint or hair evidence. These

  DNA exonerations, like those studied by Gross et al . (2005) , with which there

  is some overlap in cases, were predominantly rape (n = 141), rape - murder

  (n = 44) and murder (n = 12) cases.

  Just h ow o ften d o e yewitnesses m ake i dentifi cation e rrors?

  Archival studies of exonerations and DNA exculpations tell us that witnesses

  do make errors that result in erroneous convictions by juries and judges. Of

  course, these cases may be only the tip of a very large iceberg. Experimental

  psychologists who study eyewitness identifi cation issues are certainly not sur-

  prised by the DNA exoneration results. These researchers have a variety of

  data sources that underscore the frequency of eyewitness error. They can point

  to data on accuracy rates of actual eyewitnesses that emerge from fi eld studies

  of eyewitness identifi cations. In such studies researchers seek to reap the ben-

  efi ts of both laboratory experiments and realistic crime conditions by conduct-

  ing well

  - controlled experiments in fi eld settings. Cutler

  & Penrod

  (1995)

  assembled data from four such studies (Brigham, Maas, Snyder & Spaulding,

  1982 ; Krafka & Penrod, 1985 ; Platz & Hosch, 1988 ; Pigott, Brigham &

  Bothwell, 1990 ) involving 291 eyewitnesses who were administered 536 sepa-

  rate identifi cation tests. The average correct identifi cation rate from presenta-

  tions that included the target (i.e., the culprit) was 41.8%. In the three studies

  where the data are available, nearly a third of witnesses (31.5%) missed the

  target and picked a fi ller (or foil – one of the known innocents placed in arrays

  along with the suspect). False identifi cations in target - absent presentations, in

  which the culprit was not included, were assessed in two of the studies and

  over a third of the witnesses (35.8%) incorrectly chose an innocent fi ller. These

  results indicate that identifi cations of persons seen briefl y in non - stressful con-

  ditions and after brief delays are frequently wrong – only two out of fi ve guilty

  persons were correctly identifi ed and an innocent person was falsely identifi ed

  in about one in three arrays.

  Meta - analytic research by Haber & Haber (2001) provides further evidence

  about witness accuracy rates in experimental studies and, at the same time,

  supports the conclusion that witnesses who believe that they have seen actual

  crimes perform similarly to witnesses who are aware that they are participating

  in experiments. Haber

  & Haber examined experiments in which witness

  -

  participants viewed a crime and later attempted to identify the perpetrator. In

  Recent Developments in Identifi cation Science and Practice

  259

  23 studies the participant - witnesses watched a video, slide presentation or movie

  of a crime. In 14 of these studies, a crime was staged in the presence of partici-

  pants. Later – before attempting identifi cations – these witnesses were informed

  the crime was staged. In seven studies, the witnesses believed they
had seen a

  real crime and also believed the line - up presentation was real. As Table 15.1

  shows, performance was quite similar (not signifi cantly different at p > 0.05)

  across the three groups of studies, with about one in three positive identifi -

  cations being an erroneous fi ller identifi cation in target

  - present arrays and

  about 50% of decisions represent erroneous fi ller choices in target - absent arrays.

  Larger - scale analyses of experimental studies yield very similar results. A

  meta - analysis by Ebbesen & Flowe (2001) also examined studies of correct

  and false identifi cations in studies using simultaneous and sequential proce-

  dures. Simultaneous presentations are the traditional method of presenting

  suspects and foils to witnesses – either in a line - up or a photo array in which

  the suspect and foils can be seen simultaneously. In sequential presentations

  the witness is shown one individual at a time. Depending on the sequential

  method used, the witness may be shown the individuals once or more than

  once, may be called upon to decide whether each individual is the perpetrator/

  target on seeing each individual, or may have an opportunity to go back

  through the individuals before deciding. Another important variation in

  sequential procedures is whether viewings stop after a selection is made or the

  witness is permitted to continue looking at faces and make additional selec-

  tions. The Ebbesen & Flowe sample of studies consisted of 113 experiments

  from 82 papers, with a total of 152 line - ups. The sample of 136 line - ups with

  adults included 11 sequential - only line - ups, 17 line - ups using both procedures

  and 108 simultaneous - only line - ups. Ebbesen & Flowe reported that in 114

  simultaneous, target

  - present line

  - ups, the target was identifi ed 49% of the

  time. In the 23 sequential target - present line - ups, a correct identifi cation was

  made 45% of the time. The difference in correct identifi cations between simul-

  taneous and sequential line - ups was not statistically signifi cant. Unfortunately,

  they do not report fi ller identifi cation rates in target - present arrays. In target -

  absent line - ups, witnesses made false identifi cations in simultaneous line - ups

  49% of the time (n = 84), but only 29% of the time in sequential line - ups.

  Table 15.1: Witness performance as a function of knowledge about real vs.

  demonstration studies

 

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