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Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing: Current Developments and Future Directions

Page 57

by Ray Bull, Tim Valentine, Dr Tom Williamson


  number and accuracy of activities reported, including the level of precision and

  the durations estimates provided for the crime in question. First, deceptive

  criminal suspects use decreasingly fewer words and fi ne - grain details over time.

  Given that criminal investigations likely include repeated interviews of criminal

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  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing

  suspects over time, it would be incumbent upon investigators to pay close

  attention to this indicator during an investigation. Ideally, recorded interviews

  would be coded for the number of details and words used by a criminal suspect.

  Practically speaking, however, limitations on time and resources may preclude

  this possibility. A reasonable alternative would have investigators reviewing

  recorded interviews collectively, making relative comparisons and agreed upon

  judgements about the length of suspect statements and accounts over repeated

  interrogations.

  Second, deceptive criminal suspects only underestimate the length of time

  that occurs during the actual criminal event relative to their duration estima-

  tions for other activities surrounding the critical event. This is a compelling

  forensic indicator which can be assessed with relative ease in actual interroga-

  tion settings and does not depend on repeated interrogations. Investigators

  would simply need to compare the suspect

  ’ s duration estimates with the

  victim(s) and other witnesses, particularly given that the study demonstrated

  that truthful individuals do not under - or overestimate any of the activities.

  Of course, this strategy assumes that both the victim(s) and other witnesses

  are themselves being truthful. This is a separate issue, and one that cannot be

  addressed by this study.

  As with many psychological studies investigating behaviour in forensic set-

  tings, limitations of the current study centre on its ecologically validity. For

  both ethical and practical reasons, it is impossible to create an actual criminal

  situation in order to experimentally study deceptive behaviour. Given that key

  features of an actual, high - stakes criminal act were absent from the current

  study, in particular, the real - world consequences of getting caught or of suc-

  ceeding and the accompanying emotions, such as guilt, fear or elation, one

  has to question the degree to which the current fi ndings generalize to actual

  criminal suspects. Lying about a fake $25,000 bank note is not the same as

  lying about participating in an armed robbery. A related issue concerns the

  artifi ciality of role - playing. In the current study, we asked both the participants

  and the research assistants to assume very specifi c roles and then play them

  out (witness/criminal suspect and police offi cer, respectively). There is a con-

  trived nature to this sort of role - playing that is necessarily absent from actual

  settings in which people are witnesses, suspects or police offi cers, arriving in

  these roles through a highly complex interaction of events, decisions and cir-

  cumstance. Nevertheless, it is likely that there are features that are inherent to

  the deceptive act itself (regardless of what one is lying about or why) that are

  relatively robust across both real - world and artifi cial settings.

  Future research should continue to investigate the effects of repeated recall

  over time on deceptive and truthful accounts. In addition, future studies

  should add to the research on the effects of deception and repeated recall over

  time on duration estimates. This is an understudied and potentially signifi cant

  indicator which may eventually demonstrate high predictive value in investiga-

  tive interviews.

  Truthfulness in Witnesses’ and Suspects’ Reports

  297

  Conclusion

  Both laboratory - bound and fi eld experiments on eyewitness behaviour may be

  conducted to explore the differences between honest and deceptive eyewit-

  nesses, and honest and deceptive suspects. Common

  - sense or individuals

  ’

  intuitions of how well they would perform as potential honest or deceptive

  eyewitnesses to a violent or serious crime are not predictive of actual eyewit-

  ness behaviours. Judgements of honesty/deceptive behaviours, as well as the

  accuracy/inaccuracy of eyewitnesses by highly educated lay - persons, are not

  signifi cantly different from what would be found by chance. However, there

  are a number of subjective beliefs that are consistently held by observers

  regarding the behaviours of honest and deceptive eyewitnesses. Finally, it

  appears that duration estimations can be added to the list of indicators that

  may differentiate between truthful and deceptive behaviours.

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  Chapter Seventeen

  Evaluating Truthfulness: Detecting

  Truths and Lies in Forensic Contexts

  Barry S. Cooper

  The Forensic Alliance

  Forensic Psychiatric Services Commission

  Hugues Herv é

  The Forensic Alliance

  and

  John C. Yuille

  The Forensic Alliance

  University of British Columbia

  Introduction

  As Nietzsche (1967) asserted, lying is a fact of life. Indeed, on average, we all

  lie about three times a day and to about one third of the people with whom

  we interact (Ekman, 1992 ; DePaulo, Kashy, Kirkendol, Wyer & Epstein, 1996 ;

  Ford, 2006 ). Most lies are well intended, such as an omission (a type of lie)

  to spare someone ’ s feelings or a fabrication (another type of lie) to make

  someone feel good (Ekman, 1992 ; Ford, 2006 ). Such lies could be viewed as

  altruistic in nature and as having evolved to facilitate socialization (Nietzsche,

  1967 ). Less commonly, lies are markedly more self

  - serving (e.g., for self

  -

  protection), if not downright manipulative and/or malevolent (e.g., to avoid

  punishment and/or gain an underserved reward; Cooper & Yuille, 2006 ).

  Although less common in the general population, selfi sh lies, which could be

  viewed as a product of natural selection, are relatively prominent in forensic

 
Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing: Current Developments and Future Directions

  Edited by Ray Bull, Tim Valentine and Tom Williamson

  © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

  302

  Handbook of Psychology of Investigative Interviewing

  contexts (Spidel, Herv é , Greaves, Cooper & Hare, 2003 ), where their impact

  can have disastrous effects (e.g., lead to the guilty being freed or the innocent

  jailed). Not surprisingly, lying in general and lying for selfi sh reasons in par-

  ticular have received a great deal of scholarly attention throughout history.

  The goal of the present chapter is to provide an overview of the research on

  skill - based, as opposed to technology - driven, methods for evaluating truthful-

  ness (i.e., differentiating truths from lies via verbal and nonverbal channels)

  and to introduce an evidenced - based approach that promotes the state of the

  art in this area. First, the complex nature of distinguishing truths from lies is

  discussed, followed by a brief review of the extant approaches in this area. Next

  is an overview of the research on the topic, including its limitations. The focus

  then turns to a review of the research on individuals ’ abilities to distinguish

  truths from lies and a discussion of barriers that often prevent people from

  being able to reliably evaluate truthfulness. Following, evidenced - based com-

  ponents involved in improving individuals ’ capacity to distinguish truths from

  lies are presented. Finally, an approach to evaluating truthfulness is introduced,

  including its strengths and limitations. It is hoped that the chapter will provide

  a foundation from which to improve the capacity to reliably distinguish truths

  from lies.

  The complex nature of evaluating truthfulness

  Lying and its evaluation are an inherently complex topic. For example, what

  constitutes a lie depends largely on one ’ s motivation, which itself refl ects, at

  least in part, the triggering event and the context in which the lie occurs.

  Clearly, lying about not liking your partner ’ s new hairstyle is emotionally less

  intense and cognitively taxing than lying to the police about your involvement

  in a murder (i.e., different triggering events). Similarly, a criminal lying to

  peers in a bar about some misdeed is likely to feel very different about the

  same lie committed in a court of law (i.e., different contexts). In other words,

 

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