Pizarro

by Stuart Stirling

  He left Quito on Christmas Day 1539. His journey at first was peaceful and he received every help from the Indians until he reached the borders of the Inca empire … in this province of Quixos which is to the north of Quito, many hostile tribesmen came out to confront him, but soon fled on seeing the strength of his forces and were not seen again. A few days later there was a violent earthquake, in the course of which many of the huts in the village, where the Spaniards were camped, fell down. The earth opened up in many places, and there was much thunder and lightening and the Spaniards were greatly scared. It also rained so hard, endlessly for days … [A]fter the storm had passed they attempted to make their way across the snow-covered cordillera, and though they were well supplied the mountains proved unpredictable, and they were faced with so much snow and cold that many of their Indian porters froze to death because of their lack of warm clothing.

  In order to avoid the snow and cold the Spaniards decided to abandon their llamas and the food they had brought, imagining that they would be able to leave the region more easily and replace their provisions from further afield. But it was not the case. After they had made their way through the mountains they were in great need of food, and the land they came to was barren and uninhabited. They made all haste in leaving the area and reached a province and township called Sumaco, lying at the foot of a volcano, where they obtained food and water: though at a great price, for in the two months they were forced to remain there it rained every single day, causing them much harm and rotting their clothing.

  In this province called Sumaco, which is on the Equator or near it, is found the cinnamon tree for which they searched. It is a very tall tree and has large leaves like laurels; the fruit consists of bunches of small fruits growing in husks like acorns. And though the tree and its leaves, its roots and bark all smell of cinnamon, these husks are the most perfect of spices …

  In Sumaco and the surrounding area the Spaniards found the Indians naked, and only the women wore a small cloth to cover themselves … Gonzalo left most of his men in Sumaco, and took with him the strongest and youngest to forge ahead and see whether there was any road or track to advance on. The whole distance they had come since leaving the mountains, which was some hundred leagues, had been through the densest of forest, through which they had had to cut their way with their axes. The Indian guides Gonzalo had brought with him from Sumaco often lied to them, and sent them in the wrong direction, leading them away from their own native villages towards difficult terrain where the men he had brought with him suffered greatly, feeding themselves on herbs and roots and wild fruit, counting themselves fortunate even to find this.

  Finally, they reached a province called Cuca, which was more inhabited than the other provinces, where they were able to find supplies. A large river passes this place and is thought to be the main river that leads to the river called Orellana, or by others the Marañon. There, Gonzalo made his camp for two months, waiting for the arrival of the men he had left behind at Sumaco, whom he had instructed to follow his trail if they were unable to find guides. When the men eventually reached the camp and had rested themselves, they all once more set out down the banks of the great river, and for fifty leagues they were unable to find a ford or bridge to make their crossing.

  At the end of this long trek they discovered that the river reached a fall more than two hundred fathoms in height, making such a noise that it could be heard for almost six leagues away. They were astounded by what they witnessed, and even more so forty or fifty leagues further on, where the waters narrowed and cut through a gorge and on to another gigantic rock face. This channel is so narrow that it is no more than twenty feet from one bank to another, and so high that the ledge on which the Spaniards made their crossing is two hundred fathoms above its waters. Gonzalo, seeing that there was no easier way to cross the river and discover what lay beyond its other bank, since their whole trek had so far been through thick jungle, decided to build a bridge over its channel … the bridge the Spaniards built was of wood and had been difficult to lay, for the height above the water was so great that it was rash for them even to look down, and one man who dared to look from its precipice became so faint he fell into the torrent below. When the other men witnessed his misfortune they each became more cautious, and with great toil and effort laid down the first beam, and with it the others that were needed, enabling them and their horses to make their crossing …

  With such struggle they reached a land called Guema, as poor as the rest. They found few Indians there, and such as there were took flight. The Spaniards and their Indian porters kept themselves alive on tree shoots and other herbs. Many fell sick and died from hunger and the difficulty of their march, and from the torrential rain that fell, for their clothing was always wet. In spite of all these hardships they travelled many leagues until they came to another country where they found the Indians more civilised, and who lived on maize bread and wore cotton clothing. But the land was as wet as ever. Scouts were sent in all directions to see if a better road could be found but they returned with the same tale that the surrounding country was forest and marsh-land, with pools that led nowhere and could not be forded. They therefore decided to build a brigantine for crossing the river, for it was now so wide that it stretched some two leagues across. They set up a forge to do the riveting, and made charcoal with some difficulty, for the rain was so frequent it prevented them from burning their fires. They made shelters to cover them, and also huts to cover themselves from the rain, for though the land is under the Equator and extremely hot, they had no way of protecting themselves from the downpour. Part of the riveting was made from the horseshoes of their horses they had already killed to give their sick food, another part of the riveting was made from their armour, which they had valued more than gold itself.

  Gonzalo, as the fine soldier he was, was the first to cut wood, forge iron, make charcoal, or undertake another chore, however menial; so as to set an example to his men, and prevent anyone avoiding such work. The pitch they made for their brigantine was made from the resin of the trees, which they found in abundance. Tow was made from their cloaks and shirts, or to be honest, their rotting garments, each vying with his companion to surrender his own, even though he remained shirtless; for they all believed that their salvation lay with the brigantine, which they launched amid great rejoicing …

  They loaded the brigantine with all the gold they had brought with them, which amounted to more that 100,000 pesos, and many rich emeralds, and the iron and shoes and everything else that they possessed of value. They also embarked the sick, who could not travel over land. In this manner they escaped from this place after walking for almost two hundred leagues, making their way downstream, some by land and some by water but not getting far apart, and gathering at night to sleep together. They made their way with much difficulty, cutting a path through the forest, and those on the brigantine fighting against the current for fear of being separated from their comrades.

  When the forest was too thick for them to advance down the bank they had to cross to the opposite shore in the brigantine and in four canoes they had also built; this being the most difficult part of their journey, for it took two, and at times three days to make their crossing in this manner … eventually they came across some Indians who told them by signs and by certain words which their Indian guides could understand that there was an inhabited land some ten days journey away, where they could find plenty of food and which was rich in gold, situated on the banks of another great river that joined the one they were on.

  Gonzalo appointed one of his captains, Francisco de Orellana, to take charge of the brigantine and to take fifty men with him to where the Indians had told them, a distance of some eighty leagues, and to bring food back with them: for the men were so tormented by hunger that they were dying by the day, both Spaniard and Indian. Of the 4,000 who had started on the expedition, more than 2,000 had already perished.

  Francisco de Orellana sailed the eighty leagues in
three days without the use of sails or oars. He did not however find any food there … and realising that if he remained there it would help no one, for he had no idea how long it would take Pizarro to reach him by land, he defied his order and set sail downstream with the intention of abandoning Gonzalo and returning to Spain to claim the conquest and government of the land for himself. Many of his men opposed his decision, suspecting his ill intention … in particular the Friar Gaspar de Carvajal, and also a young man from Badajoz called Hernán Sánchez de Vargas, who those opposed to him appointed their leader. They would have come to blows had Orellana not pacified them with his fair words, though afterwards when they had calmed down he abused the poor friar with not only words but blows, and would have left him there had he not been a religious man. He did however abandon Hernán Sánchez de Vargas, who, so as to assure him of a more cruel and lingering death, he refused to kill, but left him to his fate in the wild forest …

  Further downriver Orellana had several encounters with Indians dwelling on its banks. They showed great ferocity, and in some places their women came down and fought beside their men. And for this reason Orellana described the country as the land of the Amazons, so as to enhance his petition for its governorship. Beyond these provinces, further downriver the Indians who were more friendly received him well, and were astounded at seeing the brigantine and meeting such strange men. The Spaniards befriended them and were given as much food as they needed. They stayed there some days and then built another brigantine because they were greatly overcrowded. Thus, they sailed into the sea, which they reached two hundred leagues from the island of Trinidad according to the mariner’s chart …

  At Trinidad Orellana purchased a ship in which he returned to Spain and sought His Majesty’s mandate for the conquest of the land, exaggerating his undertaking by claiming that it possessed much gold, silver and precious stones, and offering as proof the little he had brought with him. His Majesty awarded him the government of whatever land he might conquer. Orellana then recruited 500 good soldiers, including many distinguished captains, with whom he embarked at San Lúcar [de Barrameda] for his expedition. He died at sea … such was the end of his journey.

  After he [Gonzalo] had sent Orellana off with the brigantine he built ten or twelve dozen canoes and as many rafts, so as to be able to cross the river, from one bank to another, whenever the forest became too dense. Thus they travelled in the hope that the brigantine would soon return with supplies to alleviate the hunger that tormented them: for hunger was their greatest enemy. After two months they reached the junction of the two great rivers, where they believed they would find the brigantine laden with food, thinking that it had not been able to return upriver because of the strength of the current. But they lost all hope of coming back from that hellhole, a name that can well describe their suffering, trials and miseries, with no remedy of either hope or escape. At the juncture of the two rivers they found the good Hernán Sánchez de Vargas, who with the spirit of a knight had remained in that place, and he gave Gonzalo Pizarro a full account of what had happened … the men were shattered and grieved by what they heard, and on the brink of despair.

  Though Gonzalo shared their emotions, he consoled and encouraged them, bidding them to overcome their misfortune, and reminding them that they were Spaniards; and that the greater their misfortune, the more honour and fame they would leave to posterity, since it had befallen them to be the conquistadores of their empire. Let them, he told them, behave like men chosen by divine providence for such a great enterprise. At this they took heart, though they knew his disappointment was as great as theirs. And so, they continued their journey down the banks of that great river, first on one side and then on the other, crossing over whenever they were obliged to do so. Their struggle in getting their horses to remain on the rafts was almost unbelievable, for there still remained some 80 horses …

  Amidst these hardships they journeyed another hundred leagues downstream without finding any improvement in the land, and when they had seen this they decided if it were possible to return to Quito, a distance of four hundred leagues. And as they could not sail upstream the way they had come, they took another route north of the river, since they had seen that there were fewer lakes and marshes there. They penetrated deep into the forest, cutting their way with axes and billhooks, to which work they were now so accustomed that it was almost second nature to them and the least of their hardships if they had had food.14

  Agustín de Zárate, who also based his information on various eyewitness accounts, concludes the description of their march:

  When they considered the way they had come, they felt they would never get back but die of hunger in those forests, where more than forty of them actually perished with no hope of rescue. They leant against trees and begged each other for food, but were so thin they died of starvation. And so, commending themselves to God, Gonzalo Pizarro’s men returned, leaving the road by which they had come since it led through such dense land. They chose another route at random but it was no better, keeping alive by killing and eating their remaining horses and a few greyhounds and dogs they had with them. They also ate shoots and herbs, and a vine similar to garlic in taste. A wild puma or a fowl changed hands at fifty pesos of gold, and a pelican at ten.

  Thus Gonzalo Pizarro pushed forward towards Quito, where he had sent news of his return a long time beforehand. The people of Quito collected great quantities of pigs and llamas, and some horses and clothing for him and for his captains, and brought them out of the city to meet him. These reached him when he was still more than fifty leagues away from Quito, and he and his men received them with the greatest of joy. They were all virtually naked, for their clothing had rotted long since because of the rains. All they wore were loincloths made from deerskin, some old breeches and leggings and hats made of leather. Their swords were sheathless and rusted. They were all on foot, and their arms and legs scored with wounds from thorns and bushes … they were so pale and disfigured that they were hardly recognisable.

  They told a story of great hardship, and what they had missed most had been salt, of which they had discovered no trace for almost two hundred leagues. When they reached Quito and received the food and the people’s help, they kissed the ground, thanking God for bringing them through all their suffering and perils. And they fell on their food with such ferocity that they had to be restrained until their stomachs gradually became reaccustomed to digesting it. When Gonzalo Pizarro and his captains saw that the people had brought them only enough horses and clothing for themselves, they refused to mount or put on any of the clothes …15

  In this state of deprivation Pizarro’s brother entered Quito, ignorant of all that had occurred in the year and a half of his absence.

  EIGHT

  Marqués of the Indies

  With all his greatness and wealth, he was so wretched and poor when he died that there was no one to bury him.

  Garcilaso de la Vega Inca, Historia General del Perú

  For over a year Pizarro’s colony enjoyed a period of relative tranquillity, free from Indian attack and from any threat from Almagro’s defeated supporters. The marqués, as he was by then known, having received his title from a grateful monarch, and which equalled in rank that of Hernán Cortés, the conqueror of Mexico, had more than realised everything he had striven for so many years to achieve: a territory of such immensity and wealth as no single Spaniard could ever have dreamt of, and which in reality was his personal fiefdom. Not even the prospect looming over him of the imminent arrival from Spain of the king emperor’s licentiate Vaca de Castro, the Crown’s inspector, was of any consequence to him, although he had been sent to investigate not only Almagro’s killing but to assert greater control on the part of the Crown over the colony’s government.

  Pizarro’s independence was a danger the Spanish Crown had anticipated in the case both of Columbus and Cortés, whose rule of their colonies had been firmly curtailed by the Council of the Indies. Cortés, who on h
is mother’s side was a cousin of Pizarro’s father, and who had himself first heard of Pizarro’s existence when he had met him at court in Toledo, and who had possibly been instrumental in advising a single command of his conquest, had suffered the fate of his own ambition. In similar manner, Pizarro was by then regarded by certain officials in Spain as a law unto himself, even though his loyalty was never questioned. The fact that his brother Hernando had been arrested on his return to Toledo and charged with Almagro’s killing had done little to reassure the Crown of Pizarro’s future as governor, of what was realised to be the richest of all Spain’s colonies in the New World. Neither did the image of a by then cantankerous and demented old conquistadore upholding every single tenet of his royal mandate appeal to officials, who saw themselves as the colony’s future administrators and governors.

  Pizarro was a problem for the Crown. He was far too powerful within Peru to be stripped of his privileges or government for any reason other than treason. Nor would he have been coerced into abandoning his colony for a life of exile in Spain, however much privilege or honours were heaped upon him: a country by then almost alien to him, and in which he had lived for only one-fifth of his life. It was also becoming evident to the Crown, principally after the report it received from the Friar Bishop Tomás Berlanga and other missionaries, that the power wielded by Pizarro’s conquistadores in their encomiendas was as absolute as his own, and that in their lands the common law of Spain had no jurisdiction in the treatment of the Indian population, most of whom were by then virtually slaves.

  The other requirement the Crown found itself unable to verify was the validity of the accounting of its revenues from the colony. This had depended almost entirely on the good faith of its treasurer, Alonso de Riquelme, himself a veteran of the Conquest and an encomendero of Lima, and one of the most corrupt men in the colony. The visit to Spain of the Dominican Vicente de Valverde and his appointment as Bishop of Cuzco had also highlighted the need for a moral approach to the Indian problem of encomienda service, and to the treatment of Indian tribute labour in general, issues that had been ignored when the Spaniards had been fighting for their survival during the sieges of Cuzco and Lima, but which were now regarded as of relevance. It was a reform widely canvassed at the Spanish court by the most influential of all the Dominicans, Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, who was highly critical of Pizarro’s conquest, and whose Order, the custodians of the Inquisition, had been at the forefront of the initial missionary role in the New World.