Impeachment

by Mark Spivak

  “Even so—”

  “We understand you might be a bit overwhelmed,” said Sheldon. “But remember that we’ve considered this very carefully, and we think we’ve chosen the right person. I’m curious to get your gut reaction.”

  “Sir, I just don’t know. I wasn’t expecting this.”

  “I imagine not.”

  “Where am I going to get two thousand new members from?”

  “We have people who will help you screen them. They’ll have to be chosen very carefully. We don’t want anyone who just mustered out of the armed forces, no ex-police officers, or people of that nature—no one who is currently sitting around listening to the police radio for entertainment. We want them to be moral, upstanding citizens like yourself.”

  “I understand.”

  “And again, they won’t be arresting anyone. At the most, they’ll be detaining people until the agents can arrive. In the worst-case scenario, though, they’re entitled to make a citizen’s arrest in that situation, because they’re witnessing a crime.”

  “I’m not too sure about that, sir.”

  “That’s what our lawyers tell us, and we have some pretty good ones.”

  “What do you plan to do with all these people after they’re arrested? There won’t be enough space in the jails to hold them.”

  “That’s a good question,” said Sheldon. “We’ve thought about that carefully, and we have a specific plan. It won’t affect you, since your involvement will end once the immigrants are apprehended, but we’ll share it with you at some point.”

  “Will I have to give up control of the organization? The Angels of Democracy is really my baby.”

  “Another good question. You will be an equal partner with us. Legal agreements will be drawn up to that effect. You should do very well for yourself, but I want to make one thing clear: This isn’t charity. We’re going to expect results. That’s how we run Haft Industries. Employees who produce profits for the company are rewarded handsomely, while executives who drop the ball are sacked.”

  “I understand.”

  “Of course, we’ll expect you to continue to be the leader of the movement. We know you have the magnetism to do it. Your role will primarily consist of traveling and speaking. Inspiring the troops.”

  “Thank you.”

  “Here.” Sheldon handed a book to Jasper Marshall. “I want you to read this. It’s a book I wrote for internal company consumption, titled The Principles of a Free Market Economy. It will give you a precise view of who we are and what we do. This book outlines how we’ve built a business with annual revenues of $125 billion, not to mention personal fortunes that exceed the assets of most countries.”

  “I’ll definitely read it, thanks.”

  “Well, Mr. Marshall.” Sheldon Haft looked at him carefully. “Do you have any other questions we might be able to answer?”

  “If we go forward with this, where do we go from here?”

  “We’ll have the lawyers draft an agreement that will spell everything out. You can review it or have your own attorney do so—that’s what I’d advise.” He smiled. “If you can’t afford an attorney, as they say, one will be provided for you. After we get everything on paper, you’ll sit down with Kevin Lapham, our Director of Political Operations. Most of your direction and guidance will probably come through him. We’ll communicate via phone and email, but it’s probably best if we keep our face-to-face meetings to a minimum.”

  “I can understand that.”

  Lapham had first appeared on the Hafts’ radar in the early 1980s, when the brilliant young economics professor had been plucked out of Columbia University to serve on Reagan’s Economic Advisory Council. His advocacy of free markets and opposition to government regulation appealed to the brothers, who regarded him as one of the architects of the nation’s financial recovery. They hired him immediately when Reagan left office in 1989. Lapham spent a hugely successful decade coordinating the growing Haft empire, making certain that each new division saw eye to eye with the regime in St. Louis. As the brothers became more immersed in politics, Lapham made the transition to overseeing the complex web of interest groups funded by Sheldon and Richard. His primary mission was to make certain that their money was well spent, and that the ideological objectives of the Hafts were translated into reality.

  “Even so,” said Sheldon, “we’d like to get rolling on this as soon as possible. This is an important project for us, and we feel that you’re the right man for the job.”

  “Sir, I’m honored that you selected me, and look forward to working with you.”

  Jasper Marshall shook hands with the Haft brothers. He somehow managed to get out of the office, down the elevator and into the waiting Hyundai, where he sat wordlessly for nearly thirty seconds as he and Joe Guthrie stared at each other.

  “Well?” Guthrie asked finally. “How did it go? You look like you’re in a state of shock.”

  “Fasten your seat belt, Joey. We could be in for a bumpy ride.”

  Chapter 10

  “In just a moment,” said the CNN anchor, “President Atalas will be stepping to the podium in the East Room of the White House to deliver his remarks on Cuba. As we know, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee met yesterday and voted by a margin of 11-8 to deny sending the administration’s Cuba treaty to the full Senate for approval. That vote handed the President the first foreign policy defeat of his second term. What can we expect to hear from him tonight, John?”

  “Well, most observers think he’ll be somewhat feisty,” said the commentator. “Remember, last November the President was reelected by a solid plurality. He undoubtedly feels that he earned some political capital by that victory, and obviously has an agenda to enact. At the same time, he doesn’t have a majority in the House, and only controls the Senate by a razor-thin margin. And as we know, there are many Republicans in both chambers who are still committed to obstructing him.”

  “Many pundits are predicting that he will take executive action on Cuba, thus bypassing Congress entirely. What do you think of that possibility, John?”

  “I think it’s very likely. I believe that what the President will do tonight will be to take a page from the Reagan playbook and go over the heads of Congress to talk directly to the American people. Remember that his popularity is still remarkably high, an average of 55 percent approval in most recent polls—lower than the numbers he came into office with four and a half years ago, but still impressive. I think both he and his advisors are banking on his ability to connect with the public. And remember that he is one of the most effective speakers of modern times, someone who definitely has the ability to deliver a rousing and effective address. He—”

  “John, I have to stop you there, because the President is approaching the podium now.”

  “My fellow Americans,” said Khaleem Atalas, “I come before you tonight to discuss some of the current foreign policy initiatives of my administration, and what those initiatives may mean for this nation and the world.”

  Atalas wore a dark blue suit with a red tie, with an American flag pin displayed prominently in the lapel; he seemed serious but relaxed.

  “On February 3, 1962, President John F. Kennedy issued an executive order enacting a trade embargo with the island nation of Cuba. This action effectively blocked all imports from Cuba, and imposed severe economic, commercial, and financial hardships on the country.

  “President Kennedy had some very good reasons for applying this embargo. At the time, Cuba was a sworn enemy of the United States. They were a Communist nation closely allied with the Soviet Union, and they were also part of a global network dedicated to both the spread of Communism and the deterioration of America’s influence around the world. Located a mere ninety miles from our southern shores, the country was to serve as a staging ground for Soviet nuclear missiles just eight months later—a situation that precipi
tated the Cuban missile crisis and almost brought us to the brink of nuclear war.

  “Some of you watching tonight remember those events very well. Others, like myself, weren’t even born when the trade embargo was enacted. Many things have changed over the past fifty years. The world is now a very different place. The Soviet Union no longer exists, and in place of the global Communist conspiracy we have a handful of states still clinging weakly to the philosophy of Communism.”

  Atalas looked earnestly into the camera—or appeared to. In reality he was looking at Joel Gottbaum, who had thought the speech was too long and who was urging him with hand motions to speed it up. Several miles away in Northwest DC, Judith Wallko walked into the den and sat down next to her husband, who was listening intently.

  “Well?” she asked. “Any surprises?”

  “Of course not,” said Chet Wallko. “He’s a one-man band—a miracle worker who can perform the work of all the branches of government.”

  She smiled. “Well, I guess that’s why he was elected.”

  “He wasn’t elected,” said her husband. “He was anointed from on high.”

  The President’s speech continued.

  “The one thing that hasn’t changed much is the effectiveness of the sanctions imposed five decades ago. They have not brought about a transition in the brutal regime that rules Cuba, nor have they altered the thinking of the Cuban leaders to any significant extent. Over time, the only accomplishment of the sanctions has been to keep the Cuban people in a state of poverty and misery. In addition to lacking freedom of speech and assembly, they have one of the lowest standards of living in the hemisphere. Let me be clear that the United States stands for democracy and opposes Communism and other totalitarian regimes. But we also stand for compassion, decency, and the right of all children to be well-fed, properly housed, and effectively educated.

  “The sanctions have had fifty years to work, and they have not worked. It is time to bring them to an end.

  “Therefore, tomorrow morning I will sign an executive order revoking the trade embargo with Cuba. I have also instructed our able and diligent Secretary of State, Bethany Hampton, to begin talks aimed at normalizing relations with the nation of Cuba. This is not a political move, but rather a humanitarian one. It will be beneficial to the U.S. economy, but will have a far greater impact on the welfare of Cuba. It is time to bring the people of Cuba into the 21st century so they may begin to enjoy material prosperity and a decent standard of living. Then, and only then, can we begin the difficult task of restoring their basic human freedoms.

  “Yesterday, as many of you are aware, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee defeated a motion to bring our Cuba treaty to the full Senate for a vote. The treaty was the product of a great many hours of intensive effort by the State Department. It was balanced and fair. It held the Cuba government accountable for their policies of repression, yet it also held out the promise of an upward path for the Cuban people. I cannot criticize the good intentions of those Senators who voted against it, and I cannot impugn their patriotism. However, I certainly take issue with their actions yesterday.

  “I have received many blessings in this life—good health, excellent opportunities, a loving family, and some would say a great measure of luck.” He smiled. “The one thing I haven’t been blessed with, obviously, is a compliant Congress. I respect our disagreements in many areas. But I will not stand by while they condemn the Cuban people to another generation of poverty and neglect.

  “Long before I was a President or Senator, before I entered public life, I moonlighted as a university instructor to make some money to pay off my own student loans. And I taught constitutional law. So I’m one of those rare politicians who hasn’t just read the Constitution, but actually studied it. And here’s how I read it in this case: the role of the Senate is to advise and consent on foreign policy, not to make it. The responsibility for making that policy resides in the President of the United States. As long as I’m President, I intend to continue to make that policy—not just when it involves our safety, security, and prosperity, but also when it touches on the compassion that distinguishes us as a people. I’m proud of that compassion, and I will nurture it whenever I can.

  “I thank you for your time tonight, and I hope that I’ve given you an insight into my forthcoming actions. God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.”

  “What do you think?” asked Judith Wallko.

  “I think if there was a second Cuban missile crisis,” said her husband, “this guy would give the Russians an aerial map so they could bomb Indianapolis.”

  Chapter 11

  “Democratic trash heap,” said the voice at the other end of the phone. “Which pile can I direct your call to?”

  “You asshole,” said Kevin Lapham. “Don’t gloat.”

  “I’m currently nine for nine,” said Chuck Gardiner. “I think I’m entitled.”

  “Remember what the Greeks said about hubris.”

  “Don’t know about that. They do make a mean gyro, though.”

  Gardiner was the head of the Special Operations Unit, a loosely knit group of freelance agents who reported directly to Lapham. Although he was one of the most highly paid members of the Haft organization, he wasn’t actually an employee. Most of his compensation was transferred in cash by shell companies and deposited directly into offshore accounts. Sheldon and Richard Haft weren’t even aware of who he was.

  “Seriously, that was nice work.”

  “Nothing to it, really—it was like shooting fish in a barrel.”

  “If it was so easy, maybe we should be paying you less.”

  Gardiner chuckled. “Try it.”

  Six months earlier, the representative from Rhode Island’s 2nd Congressional District had announced his retirement due to illness. A special election was called. The Republican candidate was a committed conservative, but the Democrat was a problem: a former prosecutor and family man who advocated a strong national defense. Gardiner’s agents followed him along the campaign trail and discovered that the man had a penchant for tall, black and muscular female prostitutes. They photographed three or four women leaving the candidate’s hotel room in different cities, then paid the escorts for statements. The Democrat initially refused to quit when the evidence was presented to him, but quickly withdrew when the information was made public. He lost in a landslide, and his wife filed for divorce.

  “Those statements were a thing of beauty, though,” said Lapham. “How’d you get them?”

  “Are you kidding? We took all that money you complain about paying us and waved it under their noses. Another ten grand apiece, and they would have sworn that they had slept with Khaleem Atalas.”

  “Life is full of missed opportunities.”

  “Doesn’t matter one way or another to me. I think all politicians are twisted. You know that.”

  “Well, I hope you at least got a blow job out of it.”

  “I never mix business with pleasure.”

  “A joke,” said Lapham. “Apparently you don’t mix a sense of humor with your personality, either.”

  “Enough bullshit. What do you have for me next?”

  “I’d like to meet sometime soon and discuss a project we have on the back burner. I need your input on a few points.”

  “Sketch it out for me.”

  “Not over the phone, no. This one is super top secret—we have it coded into the deep freeze.”

  “Whatever. It’s your nickel. When do you want to do this?”

  “I’ll be swinging by Chicago next week. Maybe we can link up at the private aviation terminal at Midway.”

  “Why don’t you come into the city for the day and let me show you a good time?”

  “Here’s why: when you’re paying me, I’ll come into the city and socialize with you. Meanwhile you can drag your ass out to the airport.”r />
  “Whatever you say, boss.”

  “I think this will intrigue you.”

  “The man of mystery,” laughed Gardiner. “I love it.”

  Chapter 12

  As 8:00 a.m. approached, Chet Wallko sat in his inner office with Linda Buckmeister, his Administrative Assistant, finishing their morning briefing.

  Buckmeister was his closest confidential advisor and had been with him since his earliest days in the Congress. She was from a working-class family just outside of Gary, Indiana, and had worked nights to put herself through law school. The pair usually met right after dawn to review the situation abroad and the political conflicts at home. The bulk of their conversation revolved around the Senator’s overnight security summary—a compilation of intelligence put together for him by the CIA, which was less detailed than the Presidential Daily Brief but contained a range of items useful to the Foreign Relations Committee. Their conversation shifted to the constant backbiting on the Hill. The last five or ten minutes of their meetings were always reserved for ripe tidbits of gossip, something they both enjoyed.

  “So,” Linda smiled. “What did you think of the President’s speech last night?”

  “Rousing. Truly inspirational. After listening to it I jumped to my feet, saluted the flag, and ran off to bed.”

  “I’ll just bet.”

  “Did it have any impact?”

  “The snap polls show the public in a fifty-fifty split. Basically, the reaction was several notches below his popularity numbers.”

  “Well, no wonder. You have all these old farts out there like me who still remember that Cuba is supposed to be the enemy, not our ally.” He paused. “You know, Gottbaum sat right there in that chair and told me Cuba was just the prelude to an opening with Persepostan. He said it was ‘small potatoes’—his words—and would prepare the public for a nuclear treaty with the terrorists.”

  “He actually told you this?”