Impeachment

by Mark Spivak

  “And Chuck, correct me if I’m wrong, but that Supreme Court decision reversed previous limits that had been set by the McCain-Feingold campaign reform act of 2002.”

  “Absolutely right, John. McCain-Feingold limited direct individual contributions to $2,000 and set a ceiling of $5,000 for direct donations to political action committees, or PACs. It also attempted to ban the use of corporate or union funds to sponsor political TV ads. In the wake of Democracy Unchained, many large donors who had previously been operating under the radar were suddenly able to open their checkbooks for the candidates of their choice. The most famous example on the right is the Haft brothers in St. Louis, but there have been substantial donors on the liberal side as well.”

  “So how would you characterize the impact of this legislation for the average person, Chuck?”

  “Well, it’s enormously significant. If you’re a hard-working guy who can manage to scrape together $2,000 for your favorite candidate, your voice will be heard as clearly as that of a billionaire. So it really does level the playing field.”

  “And this has been a highly controversial bill from the beginning, hasn’t it?”

  “Indeed it has. As you know, the legislation was shepherded through Congress by Senator Chet Wallko of Indiana, who based the bill on his reading of the First Amendment. He pointed out that the text specifically refers to enforcement of freedom of speech as the domain of Congress, rather than the courts. According to that interpretation, Democracy Unchained was unconstitutional.”

  “He claimed he had many of the country’s top legal scholars agreeing with him, didn’t he?”

  “That’s correct. Wallko had affadavits from most of the major constitutional scholars, as well as the deans of our best law schools, saying that he was dead right in his opinion. And then, of course, we had the statement from Chief Justice Paul Gilliam, who went on record saying that the Court had basically been wrong. While Gilliam said that he felt the Court had the right to voice an opinion in the matter, jurisdiction plainly belonged to Congress. But the key moment, in the opinion of many people, was the stunning statement by the Haft brothers supporting the reversal of Democracy Unchained. That statement was really what gave Congressional Republicans the political cover to vote for it.”

  “Even with all that, it was a fight to get the bill through the House, wasn’t it?”

  “Absolutely, John—it was a squeaker. Remember that a number of the House members, on both sides of the aisle, had received substantial sums from large donors other than the Hafts. At the end of the day, though, campaign finance reform is a hard thing to oppose effectively.”

  “Apparently, we expect tonight’s vote in the Senate to be a formality.”

  “Hold on a moment, John. Senator Wallko, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee and sponsor of the bill, is making his way onto the floor. Let’s see if we can have a word with him.” The Fox correspondent fought his way through the scrum of reporters and zeroed in on Wallko. “Senator, how are you feeling tonight? I imagine it must be a mixture of excitement and apprehension.”

  “This is a great night for America, Chuck,” said Wallko. “There’s no other way to put it. Tonight, we’re taking our electoral process out of the reach of the special interests and handing it back to the people. As far as apprehension goes, I’m actually very confident. We’ve been lobbying hard on this, and we believe we have the vote locked up.”

  “You received help from a number of quarters on that, didn’t you, including President Atalas? It’s our understanding that the President met personally with dozens of members of Congress from both parties.”

  “He was a great help, Chuck.” Wallko smiled. “It was refreshing to be on the same team as the President, for a change. He worked very hard to make this happen, and we’re grateful for that. Now if you’ll excuse me, I have a few things I need to take care of before the vote.”

  “Absolutely. That’s Senator Chet Wallko, the master-mind behind the bill nicknamed the Restoration of Democracy Act.”

  “I think I see Vice President Bassen coming to the podium now, Chuck.”

  “Yes, here he comes. The Vice President, as the President of the Senate, will preside over tonight’s proceedings.”

  “Ladies and gentlemen,” said Bassen, banging the gavel and grinning broadly. “Please take your seats. The Senate will be in order.

  “The business before us tonight is the legislation titled H.R. 3422, which has previously been passed by the House. If a majority of this chamber concurs, this bill will become the law of the land. The clerk will call the role.”

  “If you’ve just joined us,” said the Fox anchor, “we’re awaiting the vote on the so-called Restoration of Democracy act. The bill’s sponsor, Senator Wallko, assures us that he has the votes needed for passage. And tonight, we’re looking for a simple majority, correct, Chuck?”

  “That’s right, John. The bill will become law with 51 votes. If it were in danger of filibuster, or if there was a likelihood of a Presidential veto, the bullet-proof number would be 60, but neither of those situations apply tonight.”

  “As our viewers can see, the clerk has begun to call the role. Senators are responding by voice votes, which are being recorded by the clerk. And even now, we see Senator Wallko conferring with a few of his colleagues, presumably making a last-minute pitch for the bill.”

  “That’s probably what he’s up to John, but from the sound of it he doesn’t need to worry. We seem to be on track for the bill to pass comfortably.”

  Less than five minutes later, the clerk handed the results to Bassen, who pounded the gavel enthusiastically.

  “The bill passes by a vote of 55-45,” he grinned, “and H.R. 3422 has become law.”

  “Praise the Lord,” said Sheldon Haft, his eyes fixated on the wide-screen TV.

  Kevin Lapham and his brother Richard watched the roll call vote with him in Sheldon’s penthouse office outside of St. Louis. “How does it feel to be on the right side of an issue for a change?”

  “It can’t hurt,” said Richard.

  “Good job, Dickie. This was the right move. At least it will allow us to go back to our strategy of gaming the system anonymously.”

  “I’m not too sure about that, sir,” replied Lapham. “Virtually every national magazine has run a story on you over the past few years. It’s going to be very hard to put the toothpaste back in the tube.”

  “People have short memories.” Sheldon shook his head. “Thanks to Dickie’s idea about this border deal, the public will be preoccupied for the rest of the year. Not to mention everything else that will follow.” He looked at Lapham again. “Let’s get the names of the Republicans who supported this, put them on the Christmas list.”

  “I’m on it.”

  “How are we coming along with the camps? Have all the detainees been transferred?”

  “Just about, sir. In a few weeks from now, they’ll start to look as crowded as the county jails.”

  “Good work. I read in the newspaper that this Bodenstein character said something about building additional bunk houses. Please make sure that doesn’t happen.”

  “I’ve already talked to him about it, after that story came out.”

  “And for God’s sake, make sure we don’t hire any extra security.”

  “We won’t, but I’m hearing that the government plans on assigning some people from Homeland Security to each camp.”

  “Let them go ahead. Our people who fly commercial tell me that DHS has made a complete botch of the airports, so they should be perfect for the job here.” He turned off the TV. “I can’t watch any more of this. Tell me, how are we progressing with Operation Veep?”

  “The backup plan is in place. I just want to go over the details one more time before I sign off on it.”

  “Please do.” Sheldon Haft got up and stretched. “I don’t want a
ny more screw-ups like the fiasco at the Mexican restaurant.”

  Chapter 30

  Déjà Vu on the Mexican Border

  Tent Cities Becoming Overcrowded and Dangerous

  By Peter Schoenfeld

  August 4: Special to The Washington Post

  As the number of illegal immigrants detained on the U.S.-Mexican border officially tops 50,000, the improvised camps in which they are being held are becoming a breeding ground for crime and disease.

  Use of the three tent cities was donated by a group called the Citizens for a Concerned America. According to Lester Bodenstein, the group’s President, the compounds were originally built to be used as summer camps for urban children; they were described as self-contained living quarters complete with bunk houses, showers, toilets and kitchen facilities. They were designed to hold between 8,000 and 10,000 people each.

  When the detainees were transferred to the camps several weeks ago, the installations were already full. The number of illegal immigrants arrested has continued to skyrocket since then, as a result of the enhanced security sweep conducted by the U.S. Border Patrol and the Angels of Democracy. At the time he volunteered the use of the facilities, Mr. Bodenstein stated that the camps could “easily be expanded” to accommodate more people. Construction of new bunk houses has not begun, and Mr. Bodenstein has been unavailable for comment.

  Ironically, the immigrants were transferred to the camps in the first place because of dangerously overcrowded conditions in county jails along the border. Poor sanitation in the jails led to an outbreak of dysentery, and violence between inmates became common. In one incident, dubbed the Baloney Sandwich Murder by the tabloid press, an immigrant named José Cortes was knifed by another inmate during an argument over food. Cortes later died of septic shock in a nearby hospital.

  Much of the violence that afflicted the inmate population in the county jails was gang related. According to corrections officials, immigrants who were involved in criminal activity back in Mexico quickly organized into teams designed to control the trading of contraband, including cigarettes and drugs. The overcrowded conditions quickly led to arguments and fights among the inmates.

  Since they were relocated to the temporary camps, the pattern of gang violence has continued. Security is also an issue. Prior to the arrival of the immigrants, the camps were patrolled by paid security guards. When the inmates were transferred, the federal government assigned agents from the Department of Homeland Security to maintain order in the camps. The number of agents assigned to each camp has been described as “woefully inadequate,” in the words of one Texas official, and requests to the government for more manpower appear to have fallen on deaf ears.

  The Post recently contacted the Texas State House to corroborate rumors that the Governor was thinking of calling on the government to declare a state of emergency in the camps.

  “We have no plans to do that at this time,” said a staffer in the Governor’s press office. “But if the number of refugees keeps increasing, we wouldn’t rule it out.”

  One evening midway through the August Congressional recess, Chet Wallko was relaxing at home when his wife poked her head into the den.

  “Eddie Lupin is on the line for you.”

  “I’ll be damned.” He picked up the phone. “Eddie, how are things in Minnesota?”

  “Well,” said the Speaker, “at least it’s not snowing.”

  “That’s something, I suppose. How’s your vacation going?”

  “Right.” He laughed. “Too bad the public doesn’t know that we work harder at home than we do in Washington.”

  “Some of us do. Tell me, how are you feeling?”

  “Like crap, thanks. They tell me it’ll get worse before it gets better.”

  “That sucks.”

  “Chet, I’ve got something I need to put on your radar.”

  “Shoot.”

  “I’m on the phone every day with members of the caucus, as I’m sure you are. And I have to tell you there’s a situation developing.”

  “I’m listening.”

  “Our guys are out there doing voter outreach, as I know your guys are. They’re talking to constituents, doing a lot of town halls. And what they’re hearing is disturbing.”

  “Let me guess: the public is angry about something. Probably they’re angry at me, but the beauty of it is that I don’t give a shit.”

  “Not you, Chet. And they’re not exactly angry, either. But I have to tell you there’s a lot of unrest about this situation down there on the border.”

  “Do tell?”

  “People are horrified, to put it mildly. I know the press is probably to blame for the way they’ve portrayed this, but it doesn’t look good. It looks like we’ve put the immigrants into concentration camps. These places are filthy, they’re violent, they’re overcrowded. Voters are coming to these town halls to voice their disgust. Women are crying.”

  “Well, I didn’t put them there.”

  “Of course you didn’t. But your guy did. And these people are truly outraged. This isn’t your standard business of being pissed off at the government. The situation down there offends their sense of decency.”

  “First of all, he’s not my guy.”

  “He’s the leader of your party, like it or not. I assume you’re still a registered Democrat.”

  “Come on, Eddie. You know I have no pull with this administration.”

  “I know that. But this isn’t your garden variety outrage. Jews are horrified because these camps remind them of the Holocaust. JapaneseAmericans are uneasy because the camps remind them of the detention during World War II. The Hispanics are off the wall. It’s not a good thing.”

  “Well, I agree. But I’m not exactly a policy maker in this crew.”

  “You need to hear this, Chet. A lot of these folks are calling for impeachment. And they’re not fringe lunatics—they’re honest, hard-working, ordinary voters.”

  “So they want Atalas impeached. I want a lot of things. Did I ever tell you that I always wanted to play shortstop for the Cubs? But I couldn’t do it because my arm is weak, and I can’t turn the double play quickly enough.”

  “Neither can the Cubs. This is no joke, Chet. These people need to blame someone, and the most obvious target is Atalas.”

  “I hear you. But I also think it’s going to look different to Congress when they get back to Washington.”

  “Maybe so. But I can tell you this: if we come back from recess and we’ve got 100,000 immigrants in those camps, we’ve got a situation on our hands. Particularly if people keep getting killed over baloney sandwiches.”

  “Enough with the baloney sandwiches, please. The question is, what do you want me to do? And the real question is, what do you think I can do?”

  “Probably not much. But if Atalas knows what’s good for him, he should start sending these people back to where they came from.”

  “I don’t think that’s going to happen.” He paused. “But I appreciate you calling. It sounds like we’re going to have an interesting fall.”

  Rioting Breaks Out in Detention Camps

  Along Mexican Border

  Immigrants Demand Due Process, Better Living Conditions

  By Peter Schoenfeld

  August 20: Special to The Washington Post

  As many Americans indulge in the final days of summer and look forward to the Labor Day weekend, riots are occurring in the three detention camps along the Mexican border.

  The camps—two in Texas and one in Southern California—are overflowing with illegal immigrants caught up in the security sweep being conducted by the U.S. Border Patrol and the Angels of Democracy. Since the arrests began in mid-April, some 65,000 immigrants have been detained. They were initially held in county jails along the border. Last month, after conditions in the jails became intolerable, they were transferred
to the temporary holding facilities.

  At the largest camp north of Brownsville, Texas, nearly 25,000 detainees are crammed into a space designed to hold 10,000. The bunk houses are not yet air conditioned, and temperatures have exceeded 100 degrees in recent days. Inmates have organized themselves into a movement they refer to as “La Lucha,” which translates as “The Struggle.” Enrique Gonzalez, leader of La Lucha, describes his group as a cross between a trade union for inmates and a revolutionary movement.

  Within the past week, members of La Lucha have launched a hunger strike, and some of the more militant inmates have ambushed and beaten agents of the Department of Homeland Security, who were assigned to maintain order in the camps. After a series of large-scale brawls in the exercise yard, one of which sent 12 immigrants and three DHS agents to the infirmary, the Governor of Texas has dispatched a contingent of State Police and Texas Rangers to the site to quell the violence.

  Use of the camps was donated by a group called Citizens for a Concerned America. Its president, Lester Bodenstein, claimed the camps were originally constructed as summer camps for underprivileged children. He also stated that more bunk houses would be constructed to house the ever-increasing flow of illegal immigrants. The additional facilities have not been built, and Mr. Bodenstein has been unavailable for comment.

  “This is a disgraceful situation,” declared Jorge Mendoza yesterday during a telephone interview. Mendoza is the head of Criollos Unidos, the largest and most influential organization devoted to Hispanic rights.

  “If these prisoners were white and Caucasian, this would not be happening. They would not be subjected to these conditions, and they would have had their day in court long ago.