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Impeachment

Page 18

by Mark Spivak


  “Has he issued any statement thus far?”

  “Not that we’re aware of, but everyone knows that the Vice President is exceptionally close to his children, and he’s in the habit of talking to each of them almost every day.”

  “And his son was accompanied by a single bodyguard, is that correct?”

  “That’s right, John. As you may recall, Curtis Bassen, Jr. has consistently refused Secret Service protection, a situation which greatly concerned his father. About three years ago, the Vice President asked the U.S. Attorney for Ohio’s Southern District to assign a bodyguard to his son. I’m sure you remember that there was considerable controversy about this, particularly after it was disclosed that the bodyguard was on the county payroll. Ultimately an anonymous Democratic donor came forward and offered to pay the bodyguard’s salary.”

  “Do we have any idea what inspired the attack, Samantha? Was Bassen working on any high-profile cases at the moment, anything that might involve drug activity or organized crime?”

  “Not that we know of at this time, although investigators will no doubt start examining those cases in detail very shortly. Unless we can find out who the attacker was, though, I’m afraid they’ll be searching for a needle in a haystack.”

  “Any word from the White House yet, Samantha? Do we know if President Atalas will be issuing a statement?”

  “He’s been briefed on the situation, and we anticipate that he will have something to say about it this evening, but we have no definite word on that as of yet.”

  “Thank you, Samantha. We’ll definitely be checking back with you periodically as you get information on this fast-moving story.”

  At 8:45 p.m. that evening, the President stepped to the microphone in the White House briefing room and made the following short statement:

  “Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. As you’re all aware, at about five o’clock today Curtis Bassen, Jr., the Vice President’s oldest son, was attacked by a gunman as he left the Federal Courthouse in Dayton, where he works as a prosecutor. He suffered a gunshot wound to the leg and was taken to a nearby hospital, where he was treated and is currently recovering. The Vice President is at his side. As you also know, Grandview Hospital is also under lockdown and will remain that way for the next few days—not for security reasons, but to give the Vice President and his son the privacy they need at this difficult time. The White House should have an update on his condition for you tomorrow. In the meantime, we ask that you respect the family’s privacy, and give them the time and the space to deal with the aftermath of this incident. Thank you.”

  “Mr. President, what is Curtis Jr.’s condition at this time?”

  “He’s reported as stable, and as far as I know he’s doing fine. The bullet entered his right leg below the thigh and fortunately did not hit any bones. The doctors anticipate that he should be able to walk on crutches by the end of the week.”

  “How is the Vice President taking this, sir?”

  “He’s doing well, although there’s no doubt that this was a traumatic incident for him. As you know, the family is extremely close.”

  “Sir, do we know the identity of the gunman?”

  “We do not. As some of you reported, the man had no identification with him when he carried out the attack. Authorities are currently working to establish his identity.”

  “Mr. President, according to some of the eyewitnesses, the gunman seemed to be aiming for Bassen’s leg. Given those reports, is it accurate to describe this as an assassination attempt?”

  “I’ll leave that determination to the authorities. Regardless of how they characterize it, it was an attack on a federal employee in the performance of his duties. Aside from the affection that we all have for Curt, Jr., he was also a representative of our federal judicial system. Had the gunman survived, he’d be facing some very serious charges right now.”

  “Sir, do you think this was an isolated act by a deranged individual, or do you suspect that there was a larger plot behind it?”

  “I’m not going to speculate on that until we know that facts. But I think you’re all aware of my position on gun violence, which I’ve made clear over the past four and a half years. Unfortunately, every few months I come to this microphone and talk about a shooting of some sort. I have repeatedly called for tougher gun laws and have repeatedly received no cooperation from those on the other side. It’s past time that we did this in America, and there’s no reason why we can’t.”

  “Mr. President, turning to the situation on the Mexican border—”

  “That’s all I’m going to say at this time. Thank you and goodnight.”

  “How’s Curt doing?” asked Atalas two days later, talking to the Vice President on a secure line.

  “He’s doing fine, sir. His leg is sore, but he should be up and on the crutches by tomorrow.”

  “That’s great.”

  “I really appreciate your support on this. Thanks for running interference for me with the press.”

  “No worries. I figured the last thing you need was the buzzards circling you. I can tell you, though, that we’ll probably have to lift the security cordon by tomorrow.”

  “I understand completely. It’s been a great help, and I can’t begin to thank you.”

  “How are you holding up?”

  “I have no idea. You know how it is in a crisis—you put one foot in front of another and go forward. I’m sure it’ll hit me later.”

  “Well, take some time off when you get back.”

  “Do we know who this guy was?”

  “The FBI got a hit on him. I’m afraid it’s the worst-case scenario—he was in the Army, served two years in Sumeristan.”

  “Jesus.”

  “It doesn’t look good. They’re working up a dossier on him now. But we’re not going to release this to the press yet, because we don’t know where it’s going to take us. If we have to, we can always portray him as a deranged loner. There’s certainly enough of those out there.”

  “That’s the wise course.”

  “In the meantime, take care of yourself. I’ll give you a call tomorrow.”

  “Thank you, sir.”

  Chapter 33

  House Republicans Drafting Bill to Mandate Deportation of Refugees

  Illegal Immigrants Detained on Mexican Border Number Nearly 90,000

  September 18

  The Washington Post has learned that the American Values Caucus, a group of 53 Republican Congressmen who support conservative causes, is drafting a bill that would require President Atalas to deport the illegal immigrants currently held on the U.S.-Mexican border.

  “The situation on our southern border has become intolerable,” said Rep. Jeffrey Barrett (R-Texas), the leader of the caucus. “We have nearly 100,000 immigrants housed in conditions that are best described as inhumane. These are people who were arrested in the act of entering this country illegally. They shouldn’t even be here in the first place, and our government certainly should not be footing the bill to take care of them.”

  Although some observers characterize The American Values Caucus as part of the Tea Party, the 53 members have no formal affiliation with that movement. They have consistently supported popular conservative ideas such as limited government and fiscal responsibility, and they have also campaigned to ban abortion on demand.

  According to Barrett, the legislation would mandate President Atalas to immediately begin deporting the detainees and ease the refugee crisis. The President has repeatedly said that he supports due process for the immigrants, and he has taken steps to increase the pace of asylum hearings. Despite his efforts, fewer than 1,000 of those hearings have taken place thus far.

  Current estimates of the number of detainees average around 90,000. Some of them have been in custody since April, when the U.S. Border Patrol began an enhanced security sweep aided by
a group called the Angels of Democracy. The detainees are being held in three makeshift camps—two in Texas and one in Southern California—that were donated by Citizens for a Concerned America.

  When the arrests began, the immigrants were initially detained in county jails along the Mexican border. Those jails quickly became overcrowded, unsanitary and dangerous, and the inmates were transferred to the makeshift camps in July. The flood of arrests continued, and the camps quickly became the site of gang violence and rioting. Three weeks ago, President Atalas declared a state of emergency and dispatched National Guard troops to restore order in the camps. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers has set up temporary tents for the overflow detainees, and they are constructing prefabricated shelters that will be used as bunk houses. These are expected to be ready by next week.

  Rep. Edward Lupin (R-Minn.), the Speaker of the House, indicated that he would put the bill on a fast track for a vote as soon as he received it. Given the large Republican majority in the House, the legislation is expected to pass easily. The details of the bill are not yet known, nor has it been established how much legal force the legislation would carry.

  The White House has not released an official statement on whether it believes that the President would be bound to follow the dictates of the bill. Josh Rulander, President Atalas’s Press Secretary, was quizzed about the subject at yesterday’s daily briefing.

  “It’s too early to say,” he commented. “We haven’t seen the bill, obviously, and have no idea what provisions it will have in it. We also haven’t determined whether there is any legal requirement for the President to follow its dictates. As soon as we know the details, we’ll assemble a body of legal opinion on the subject, and we’ll certainly litigate the matter if that becomes necessary.”

  For his part, Barrett refused to divulge any preliminary details about the legislation, beyond his repeated statements that the bill would demand the immediate deportation of illegal immigrants being held in the temporary camps.

  “The President has said any number of times that this situation is unacceptable in the United States of America,” said Barrett. “We agree with him 100 percent—probably the first time we’ve thought alike. But increasingly, it looks to us like we’ll have to force him to do his job and deport these people. The White House may think that they’re going to tie this thing up in the courts and stall for another five months while 100,000 more felons pile up on the border, but I’m here to tell them they won’t be able to do that. If the House passes this legislation, it will become law. And if the President won’t comply with the law, we have other means to get him to do so.”

  This story was compiled from Washington Post staff reports.

  “Good evening, and welcome to 60 Minutes. I’m Scott Pelley. Tonight, we’re going to begin with an interview with Jorge Mendoza, the head of the National Council of Criollos Unidos, which has been described as the nation’s most influential group lobbying for the rights of Latinos. The interview took place at the headquarters of Criollos Unidos here in Washington, D.C.

  “Mr. Mendoza, welcome to 60 Minutes.”

  “Happy to be here. Thanks for having me.”

  “For those viewers who are unfamiliar with Criollos Unidos, why don’t you tell us a little bit about your organization—what you stand for, and what you do.”

  “Certainly. We are the political organizing arm for Latinos and Hispanics who come from cultures all over Central and South America. As of last year, there were 55 million Hispanics living in the U.S., or nearly 20 percent of the nation’s population. They come from many different backgrounds, but they face many of the same challenges. Our role is to lobby on issues that will help those 55 million people become part of the fabric of America.

  “The term Criollo generally refers to anyone of Hispanic descent, but we invest it with a special, symbolic meaning. The original Criollos were people of Spanish ancestry that lived in Spain’s overseas colonies from the 16th century onward. Despite the legitimacy of their birth, they were regarded as second-class citizens by those who had been born in Spain. We use this unfortunate analogy to refer to the plight of all Hispanics in the United States, whether they emigrated here legally or not, and we stand up for their issues.”

  “What are some of those issues?”

  “Broadly speaking, we focus on civil rights: equality of opportunity in voting, education, health care, housing, and economic opportunity.”

  “And I would assume you’re very involved with immigration as well.”

  “Absolutely. We are in favor of fair and nondiscriminatory immigration policies. We would like to see more people have the chance to enter this country legally. In cases where that did not occur, we favor a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. We would like to see these people integrate into our society and share in the American dream.”

  “To your knowledge, how many undocumented immigrants are there in this country?”

  “Most estimates, Scott, place the total between 11 and 12 million. We encourage policies that will help them come out of the shadows and participate in all the blessings America has to offer.”

  “I believe your group actively supported President Atalas during his reelection campaign.”

  “We did. We funded an aggressive effort to turn out the vote among Hispanic and Latino citizens. Many of these people rarely participate in the democratic process because they feel excluded from it. They frequently believe that neither side truly represents their interests.”

  “Speaking of funding, where does most of your support come from?”

  “Three-quarters of it comes from private donors, and we receive the rest in the form of grants from the federal government. Those grants enable us to continue with our health care initiatives and housing programs. Any political activities we engage in are always paid for by private contributions.”

  “So let me ask you this: As someone who supported the President for reelection, and who actively urged your fellow Hispanics to do so, are you happy with the results?”

  “Unfortunately, Scott, the answer at this point is no. We gave our support to the President because he claimed to favor a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. He has said so many times since. But sadly, he has done nothing about it. While he did support the Path Bill, he hasn’t used the power of his office to issue executive orders that would help those 12 million people become part of America. We consider this to be a great failure.”

  “I think you’d have to admit that given the current Congressional makeup, legislation such as the Path Bill didn’t have much of a chance of passing.”

  “You may very well be right. But there is a difference between trying and failing and failing to try at all. Through the years and over the centuries, there have been many civil rights initiatives that took a long time to become reality in the United States. They ultimately succeeded because a number of visionary leaders kept proposing them and pushing for them. We thought we had such a visionary leader in President Atalas, but we were mistaken. The man is all talk and no action.”

  “Don’t you think—”

  “And while we’re on the subject, Scott, let me point out that the President has been very actively engaged in lobbying for the civil rights of other minority groups. He simply does not seem as concerned with the welfare of Hispanics and Latinos.”

  “Mr. Mendoza, let’s turn our attention to the situation on the Mexican border. I know you were down there recently, and you’ve been very vocal in your opinions about the refugee crisis. Can you share your thoughts on the situation with us?”

  “This is one of the great humanitarian failures of the modern era, Scott. First, we have a President who is unable to act on behalf of the rights of undocumented immigrants, a cause he has repeatedly said he believes in. Then, we have a strange and shadowy group, the Angels of Democracy, who mysteriously show up and offer to help the Border Patro
l arrest illegal immigrants. I’ve read estimates of the amount of money it took to back their effort down there, and most of the estimates are in the hundreds of millions of dollars. I’d like to know where that money came from.”

  “They claim that the bulk of it came in the form of small donations from concerned citizens, as you’re probably aware.”

  “Scott, if the operation cost two hundred million dollars, as some suggest, virtually every adult in this country would have to give $10 or $20 to make it happen.”

  “But—”

  “Let me just finish up this point. We have close to 100,000 immigrants rotting in these camps. Some of them have been in custody for nearly six months. They were first held in county jails, where conditions were crowded, unsanitary and violent. Then they were transferred to these camps, where conditions are now just as bad. And we have a President who is incapable of doing anything about it. He constantly says they are entitled to due process, but only 1 percent of them have received it thus far. If these were White people, Scott—if they were Caucasians—they would have received their legal rights long ago. And the outcry against their abuse would have been deafening.”

  “That sounds like a harsh judgement, and I believe you to be a fair man.”

  “I think it’s more than fair. In fact, I think it’s generous. We call upon the President to extend the promise of America to these people who yearned so desperately for it. It is the least he can do as a human being.”

  “Mr. Mendoza, you were the target of some criticism during your recent trip to the border because you met with an individual named Enrique Gonzalez. Gonzalez is the head of an inmate group called La Lucha, which I believe translates as ‘The Struggle.’ Both he and his group are widely seen as the force behind the recent riots in the Brownsville camp, which resulted in the National Guard being called in to restore order. Why did you meet with him, sir?”

 

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