Suite Française

by Irene Nemirovsky

  For Captivity:

  Begin with: Corte, Jules Blanc visiting Corte.

  Then a contrast: Lucile perhaps at the Michauds’.

  Then: the Péricands.

  As many meetings as possible but not historical, rather the masses, social events or battles in the streets or something like that!

  Arrival

  Morning

  Departure

  These three episodes must be stressed even more. The movement of the masses must give the book its worth.

  In the fourth part, I only know the death of the German in Russia.

  Yes, to do it well, should have five parts of 200 pages each. A 1,000-page book. Ah, God!*21

  Remark. The theft of Corte’s dinner by the proletarians must have, for the future, a great influence. Normally, Corte should become extremely pro-Nazi, but I could also if I want, if I need to, do it in such a way that he says to himself: “There’s no point kidding myself; that’s where the future lies, the future belongs to this brutal force which stole my food from me. Two possible positions then: fight against it or, the opposite, from now on be a leader of the movement. Let himself be carried along by the wave, but on the front line? Even better, try to lead it? The official writer of the party. The great man of the Party, ha, ha, ha!” even more so since Germany is on good terms with the USSR and will come to tolerate it more and more. As long as the war lasts, this in fact will be madness on the part of Germany etc. Later on, it will be different . . . But later on people will see. They’ll fly to the aid of the strongest.

  Could someone like Corte have such cynical ideas? Of course, at certain times. When he’s been drinking or after making love his favourite way, a way that a mere mortal could barely begin to understand, and even if he did understand, it would cause only amazement and panic. The difficulty here is, as ever, the practical side of things. A newspaper, a kind of radio. Freedom, the Germans secretly paying him a subsidy.*22 We’ll see.

  All action is a battle, the only business is peace.*23

  The pattern, is it less*24 a wheel than a wave that rises and falls, and sometimes on its crest appears a seagull, sometimes the Spirit of Evil and sometimes a dead rat. Accurately reality, our reality (there’s nothing to be proud about there!).

  The rhythm must be here in the movements of the masses, everywhere where the crowds appear in the first volume, the exodus, the refugees, the arrival of the Germans in the village.

  In Dolce: the arrival of the Germans, but it must be re-examined, the morning, the departure. In Captivity, the First Communion, a demonstration (the one that happened on 11 November ’41), a fight? We’ll see. I haven’t got there yet and I’ll approach it realistically.

  If I show people who “influence” events, that would be unacceptable. If I show people act, that is certainly more realistic, but at the expense of keeping it interesting. Nevertheless, must limit myself to that.

  It’s quite fair (though banal, but let’s admire and embrace banality), what Percy says—that the historical scenes are the best (see War and Peace), the ones that are seen from the perspective of the characters. I tried to do the same thing in Storm, but in Dolce, everything to do with the Germans, all that can and must be separate.

  What would be good all in all (but is it doable?) is to always show the advance of the German army in the scenes not seen from the perspective of the characters. It would therefore be necessary to begin Storm with an image of people rushing around in France.

  Difficult.

  I think that what gives War and Peace the expansion Forster*25 talks about, is quite simply the fact that in Tolstoy’s mind, War and Peace is only the first volume that was to be followed by The Decembrists, but what he did unconsciously (perhaps, for naturally I really don’t know, I’m imagining), in the end what he did consciously or unconsciously is very important to do in a book like Storm etc., even if certain characters are wrapped up, the book itself must give the impression of only being one episode . . . which is really what is happening in our times, as in all times of course.

  22 June 1942. I discovered, a while ago, a technique that has been really useful to me—the indirect method. On absolutely every occasion when I encounter a problem in how to deal with something, this method saves me, gives freshness and strength to the entire story. I use it in Dolce every time Mme Angellier is in a scene. But this method of showing something that I haven’t used systematically is open to infinite development.

  1 July 1942. Find this for Captivity:

  By unifying, always simplifying the book (in its entirety) must result in a struggle between individual destiny and collective destiny. Must not take sides.

  My option: England’s style of government by the middle classes, unfortunately impossible, at least wishes to be revived, for in the end its essence is immutable; but it definitely will not happen until after I die: therefore left with two types of socialism. Neither of them appeals to me but there are the facts!*26 One of them rejects me, therefore . . . the other . . . But that is out of the question. As a writer, I must state the problem correctly.

  The struggle between the two destinies, this happens each time there is an upheaval, it’s not logical; it’s instinctive; I think a good part of oneself dies when this happens, but not all of oneself. Salvation, in general, is when the time allocated to us is longer than the time allocated to a crisis. Contrary to what is believed, what is general passes, the whole remains, collective destiny is shorter than the destiny of the simple individual (that’s not exactly right. It’s a different timescale: we are only interested in the upheavals; the upheavals, either they kill us, or we last longer than them).

  To get back to my subject: At first, J. Marie has a thoughtful and detached attitude towards this great number of defeats. Naturally, he would like France to have its revenge but he realises that this is not a goal because whoever speaks of revenge speaks of hatred and vengeance, eternal war, and the Christian is upset by the idea of hell and eternal punishment; he is upset at this idea that there will always be someone stronger and someone weaker; he therefore looks to unification . . . What he desires, what he yearns for, is harmony and peace. And collaborationism as it is currently practised disgusts him, and on the other hand he sees communism, which suits Benoît but not him. Therefore he tries to live as if the great, urgent, collective question isn’t being asked, as if he only has to solve his own personal problems. But then he learns that Lucile has loved and perhaps still loves a German. He immediately takes sides, for the abstraction has suddenly been transformed into hatred. He hates a German and, because of him, through him, he hates or thinks he hates, which is the same thing, a way of thinking. In reality, what happens is that he forgets his own destiny and confuses it with someone else’s destiny. For practical purposes, by the end of Captivity, Lucile and J. Marie are in love with each other; this love is sad, unrequited, undeclared, completely conflicted! J. Marie runs away to fight the Germans—if that is still possible by the end of 1942!

  The fourth part must be the return, if not the triumph of the chapter when

  J. Marie appears. Never forget that the public likes having the life of the “wealthy” described to them.

  To sum up: struggle between personal destiny and collective destiny. To finish, stress Lucile and Jean-Marie’s love and stress eternal life. The German’s musical masterpiece. There must also be a reminder of Philippe. Which all in all would correspond to my deepest conviction. What lives on:

  1 Our humble day-to-day lives

  2 Art

  3 God

  Maie woods: 11 July 1942. The pine trees all around me. I am sitting on my blue cardigan in the middle of an ocean of leaves, wet and rotting from last night’s storm as if I were on a raft, my legs tucked under me! In my bag, I have put Volume II of Anna Karenina, the diary of K. M. and an orange. My friends the bumblebees, delightful insects, seem pleased with themselves and their buzzing is profound and grave. I like low, serious tones on voices and in nature. The shrill “chir
p, chirp” of the small birds in the trees grates on me . . . In a moment or so I will try to find the hidden lake.

  Captivity:

  1 Corte’s reaction.

  2 Assassination attempt by Benoît’s friends which horrifies Corte.

  3 Corte learns something from the talkative Hubert . . .

  4 Through Arlette Corail etc.

  5 Her coquettish ways.

  6 Denunciation. Hubert and J. Marie are locked up with many others.

  7 Hubert, thanks to the actions of his rich and right-thinking family, is released, J. Marie is condemned to death?

  8 Here is where Lucile intervenes, the German. J. Marie is pardoned (compact description of the prison here or something of the sort).

  9 Benoît helps him escape. Sensational escape.

  10 J. Marie’s reaction to Germany and the Germans.

  11 He and Hubert flee to England.

  12 Benoît’s death. Brutal and full of hope.

  Interspersed in all this must have Lucile’s love for Jean-Marie.

  The most important and most interesting thing here is the following: the historical, revolutionary facts etc. must be only lightly touched upon, while daily life, the emotional life and especially the comedy it provides must be described in detail.

  APPENDIX II

  Correspondence 1936–1945

  Irène Némirovsky to Albin Michel 7 October 1936

  Thank you for the cheque for 4,000 francs. Regarding this, may I please remind you of my visit to you last spring when I asked if it would be possible for you to work out some arrangement for the future, for you will understand that the situation has become very difficult for me now. You told me then that you would do your very best to comply and that I should put my trust in you. Up until now, you haven’t wanted to tell me how you proposed to arrange things, but you promised to make a decision within two months at the latest. You still haven’t written anything to me about this since our meeting, which was nearly four months ago. I am therefore asking what you intend to do, for alas you understand the necessities of life for someone who, like me, possesses no great wealth and only lives by my earnings as a writer.

  Editions Genio (Milan) to Albin Michel 10 October 1938

  We would be extremely grateful if you could tell us if Mme I. Némirovsky is of Jewish descent. According to Italian law, anyone who has one parent, either mother or father, of Aryan race, is not considered to be Jewish.

  Michel Epstein*1 to Albin Michel 28 August 1939

  My wife is currently in Hendaye (Villa Ene Exea, Hendaye-Plage) with the children. I am worried for her in these difficult times, for she has no one to come to her aid if she needs help. May I count on your friendship to send me, if you possibly can, a letter of recommendation she could eventually use for the authorities and the press in this area (Basses-Pyrénées, Landes, Gironde)?

  lbin Michel to Michel Epstein 28 August 1939

  The name Irène Némirovsky should make it possible for her to open many doors! In spite of that, I would be more than pleased to give your wife a letter of introduction for the newspapers I know, but I will need certain details that you alone are in a position to provide. I would therefore ask you to please come and see me this evening.

  Robert Esménard*2 to Irène Némirovsky 28 September 1939

  We are currently living in terrifying times which could become tragic overnight. Moreover, you are Russian and Jewish, and it could be that people who do not know you—though they must be few and far between given your fame as a writer—might cause problems for you, also, as we must try to anticipate everything, I thought that my recommendation as an editor might be useful to you.

  I am therefore prepared to confirm that you are a writer of great talent, which is also obvious, moreover, by the success of your works both in France and abroad where some of your works have been translated. I am also happy to confirm that since October 1933, the year you came to me after having published some books with my colleague Grasset, including David Golder, which was a resounding success and gave rise to a remarkable film, since then, I have always had the most cordial of relations with both you and your husband, apart from our professional relationship.

  21 December 1939

  Temporary Travel Pass from 24 May to 23 August 1940

  (for Irène Némirovsky)

  Nationality: Russian

  Authorised to travel to Issy-l’Évêque

  Authorised mode of transport: train

  Purpose: to see her children who have been evacuated

  Irène Némirovsky to Robert Esménard 12 July 1940

  It’s only been two days since the post is more or less back in service in the little village where I am. I am taking a chance and writing to your Paris address. I hope with all my heart that you have made it through these terrible times safe and sound and that you have no cause to worry about any of your family. As for me, even though military operations took place very close to here, we were spared. Currently my most serious concern is how to obtain some money.

  Irène Némirovsky to Mlle Le Fur*3 9 August 1940

  I hope you have safely received my letter confirming receipt of the 9,000 francs. Here is why I am writing to you today. Just imagine that in a small local newspaper, I read the short announcement that I am sending you:

  Pursuant to a recent directive, no foreigners may contribute to the new newspaper.

  I would very much like to have the details of this directive and I thought you might be able to provide them for me.

  Do you think it applies to a foreigner who, like myself, has lived in France since 1920? Does it apply to political writers or to writers of fiction as well?

  In general, you know that I am completely isolated from society and am unaware of all the recently adopted directives regarding the press.

  If you think there is something that might be of interest to me, would you be so kind as to let me know. There’s also something else. I am again going to ask your help, as I recall how very kind and obliging you are. I would like to know which writers are in Paris and who is being published in the current newspapers. Could you find out if Gringoire and Candide,*4 as well as the bigger magazines, intend to return to Paris? And what about the publishing houses? Which ones are open?

  Irène Némirovsky to Mlle Le Fur 8 September 1940

  As far as I am concerned, there are persistent rumours here which lead me to believe that we might be part of the Free Zone one of these days and I wonder how I would then get my monthly payments.

  Law on Jewish Residents 4 October 1940*5

  From the date of the dissemination of this current law, foreign residents of Jewish descent may be interned in special camps by decision of the Préfet in the department where they reside.

  All residents of Jewish descent may at any time be forced to live in a specified location by decision of the Préfet in the department where they reside.*6

  Irène Némirovsky to Madeleine Cabour*7

  You now know all the problems I have had. What’s more, we have been living with a considerable number of these gentlemen for a few days now. This is painful for all sorts of reasons. I am therefore looking forward with great pleasure to the little village you’ve told me about, but may I ask you for some information.

  1 How big is Jailly in terms of inhabitants and local retailers?

  2 Is there a doctor and a pharmacist?

  3 Is it being occupied?

  4 Can you get any food, on the whole? Do you have butter and meat?

  This is particularly important to me now because of the children, as one of them has just had the operation you know about.

  Irène Némirovsky to Robert Esménard 10 May 1941

  Dear Monsieur, you will recall that, according to our agreement, I was meant to have 24,000 francs on 30 June. I do not need this money at the moment, but I admit that the recent laws regarding the Jews make me fear that difficulties might arise by the time this payment is made in six weeks’ time, and that would be disastrous fo
r me. I must therefore appeal to your kindness and ask you to bring forward this payment by immediately giving a cheque in that amount to my brother-in-law, Paul Epstein, made payable to him. I have also asked him to telephone you to come to an arrangement about this. Of course, he will sign a receipt to release you fully from your responsibility towards me. It distresses me to have to trouble you yet again but I am sure you will understand the reasons for my concern. I hope you still have excellent news regarding A. Michel.

  Irène Némirovsky to Robert Esménard 17 May 1941

  Dear Monsieur Esménard, my brother-in-law told me that you gave him the 24,000 francs you were to send me on 30 June. Thank you so much for your extreme kindness towards me.

  Michel Epstein to the Sous-Préfet of Autun*8 2 September 1941

  I have received a letter from Paris informing me that anyone categorised as Jewish may not leave the village where he resides without permission from the authorities.

  I find myself in this situation, along with my wife, since, even though we are Catholics, we are of Jewish descent. I therefore am taking the liberty of requesting that you please authorise my wife, born Irène Némirovsky, as well as myself, to spend six weeks in Paris where we also have a home, 10 avenue Constant-Coquelin, for the period from 20 September to 5 November 1941.

  This request is made as my wife needs to sort out some business with her publisher, visit the ophthalmologist who has always treated her, as well as seeing the doctors who care for us, Professor Vallery-Radot and Professor Delafontaine. We intend to leave our two children, aged four and eleven, in Issy and, of course, we would like to be sure that there will be no problem returning to Issy, once we have attended to our affairs in Paris.

  Doctor in Issy: A. Bendit-Gonin.

  From the Progrès de l’Allier no. 200 8 August 1941

  SOVIET, LITHUANIAN, ESTONIAN AND LATVIAN RESIDENTS ORDERED TO REPORT TO REGIONAL GERMAN HEADQUARTERS

  Every male resident over the age of fifteen of Soviet, Lithuanian, Estonian or Latvian extraction, as well as those who are stateless but who previously held Soviet, Lithuanian, Estonian or Latvian citizenship, are ordered to report in person to their Regional German Headquarters with their identity papers no later than Saturday 9 August 1941 (noon). Anyone who does not report in person will be penalised according to the decree concerning this order.