12--Following Wang Su’s (195-256) text.
13--A similar saying is found in Analects, 6:27.
14--Some eleventh-century scholars thought that the word “pursued” and “understood” should be interchanged, for intelligence and stupidity pertain to understanding while worthiness and unworthiness pertain to action.
15--Legendary sage-emperor (3rd millennium b.c.).
16--Name of Confucius’ favorite pupil. Yen Yüan (521–490 b.c.).
17--Confucius’ pupil, whose family name was Chung and private name Yu (542–480 b.c.).
18--Ode no. 239.
19--Ode no. 158.
20--See above, ch. 2, comment on Analects, 2:18.
21--ibid., comment on Analects, 4:15. For a discussion on chung-shu, see Appendix.
22--A similar saying is found in Analects, 14:37.
23--On the doctrine of waiting for destiny, see above, ch. 3, comment on Mencius, Additional Selections, 7A:1.
24--Ode no. 164.
25--This is Chu Hsi’s interpretation of t’i-wu in his Chung-yung chang-ch’ü. See also below, ch. 30, n.83.
26--Ode no. 256.
27--Ode no. 249.
28--King Wen (r. 1171–1122 b.c.) was the founder of the Chou dynasty. King Wu (r. 1121–1116 b.c.) was his successor.
29--King Chi’s father.
30--King Wu’s brother (d. 1094 b.c.).
31--Ruler of Lu (r. 494–465 b.c.).
32--Some say that Confucius’ words stop here, the rest being Tzu-ssu’s elaboration.
33--Cf. Mencius, 7B:16.
34--Cheng Hsüan correctly pointed out in his commentary that this sentence is duplicated near the end of the chapter and is therefore superfluous.
35--See Chan, “The Evolution of the Confucian Concept Jen,” Philosophy East and West, 4 (1955), 295-319.
36--See above, ch. 3, comment on Mencius, Additional Selections, 3A:4.
37--According to K’ung Ying-ta (574-648; see Li chi cheng-i): There will be no limit to its possibility.
38--Chu Hsi’s interpretation: Either do not study at all, or do not give up until what you studied is all understood, etc.
39--See below, pp. 524, 666, 752.
40--It is not clear whether this refers to sincerity, the character of the nature, or the Way.
41--Ssu-shu shih-i (Explanation of Meanings of the Four Books), 1953.
42--See above, The Mean, ch. 13.
43--Perhaps this is a step further than described in The Mean, ch. 23 and the translation should be “becomes prominent without any display, can change others without moving them, and complete [the self and all things, as in The Mean, ch. 25] without any action.”
44--Ode no. 267.
45--ibid.
46--The same saying appears in Analects, 2:11.
47--Ode no. 260.
48--See below, ch. 33, sec. 31, and comment on it.
49--Many modern writers have pointed out that these were not conditions of the fourth century b.c. but of the Ch’in dynasty (221–206 b.c.) when writing and measurements were unified.
50--Cf. Analects, 3:9.
51--Founders of the Hsia, Shang, and Chou dynasties.
52--Ode no. 278.
53--Ode no. 57, actually a paraphrase.
54--Cf. Lao Tzu, ch. 24.
55--Ode no. 192.
56--Ode no. 256.
57--Ode no. 302 .
58--Ode no. 269.
59--Ode no. 241.
60--Ode no. 260. Both Chu Hsi and Cheng Hsüan believed that this sentence was uttered by Confucius.
61--Chu Hsi considered this sentence and the rest to be by Tzu-ssu. Cheng Hsüan and K’ung Ying-ta, however, considered them to be by Confucius.
62--Ode no. 235.
NATURALISTIC CONFUCIANISM: HSÜN TZU
1--Analects, 17:2.
2--See below, ch. 12.
3--In modern Shansi and its vicinity in North China.
4--Southeast of Chao, in modern Shantung.
5--The Hsün Tzu has thirty-two chapters, which are essays with clear expositions and cogent arguments on such subjects as “Against Physiognomy,” “Against the Twelve Philosophers,” “On Confucius,” “National Wealth,” “The Kingly Way versus Despots,” “The Removal of Prejudices,” and “The Sage-kings.” Chapter 27. and subsequent chapters may have been by his pupils and are unimportant. A number of passages of the book also appear in the Book of Riles, perhaps for the reason that the latter’s compilers selected passages from the Hsün Tzu to strengthen discussions on the theoretical and psychological basis of ceremonies in the Book of Rites. Since the Hsün Tzu did not enjoy the status of a Classic, its influence has been slight. Half of the chapters have been translated into English by Dubs, in The Works of Hsüntze. Köster, “Hsün-tzu Anschnitt 13,” is a translation of ch. 23. Duyvendak, “Hsüntzu on the Rectification of Names,” and Mei, “Hsün-tzu on Terminology,” are translations of ch. 22. And Legge, The Works of Mencius, contains a translation of ch. 23 on the evil nature of man.
6--Legendary ruler (3rd millennium b.c.).
7--Chieh (c.1802–1752 b.c.?) was the last ruler of the Hsia dynasty (2183–1752 b.c.). Chinese historians have blamed his wickedness for the fall of the dynasty.
8--According to Wang Nien-sun (1744-1832), Tu-shu tsa-chih (Miscellaneous Notes from Reading), 1933 ed., bk. 11, p. 59, hsiu (to cultivate) should read hsün (to follow).
9--A similar saying appears in Lao Tzu, ch. 47.
10--Compare the same idea of forming a triad in The Mean, ch. 22.
11--Yü (c. 2183–2175 b.c.?) was the founder of the Hsia dynasty and has been regarded as a sage-king along with Yao. Chieh (r. 1802–1752 b.c.?) caused the downfall of the Hsia.
12--Ode no. 270.
13--This poem is now lost. The addition is made according to Yü Yüeh (1821-1906), “Hsün Tzu shih-shuo” (Explanations on Odes Quoted in the Hsün Tzu), in his Ch’ü-yüan tsa-tsuan (Miscellaneous Collection of Yü Yüeh), 6:14a-b.
14--According to Yü Yüeh, chieh means to fit.
15--Often translated as “reverent.” For a discussion of the translation of this term, see Appendix.
16--According to Wang Hsien-ch’ien (1842-1917), Hsün Tzu chi-chieh (Collected Commentaries on the Hsün Tzu), read ch’ang (always) as ch’ang (has been).
17--According to Wang Nien-sun, tang does not mean frequent, as Yang Liang (fl. 818) contended in his commentary, but means occasional.
18--Some commentators contend that this sentence should precede “When propriety and righteousness. . . .” See Wang Hsien-ch’ien, Hsün Tzu chi-chieh.
19--The Record is now lost.
20--These words seem to be in opposition to the whole theme of the chapter. It may mean, however, that while certain natural factors are beyond the control of man, it is up to man to adapt himself and control them. What follows clearly says as much.
21--The meaning here is obscure. Yang Liang thought that the internal refers to capping and wedding ceremonies and the external refers to etiquettes of tributes and imperial audience. According to Hao I-hsing (1757-1825), Hsün Tzu pu-chu (Supplementary Annotations to the Hsün Tzu), they refer to rules of propriety. Such interpretations do not help any.
22--Shen Tao (350–275 b.c.?), was a Legalist who rejected subjectivism in favor of objective knowledge and emphasized actual situations and tendencies. For a brief treatment of his Legalist philosophy, see Fung, History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 1, pp. 153-159, 318.
23--Sung Hsing (360–290 b.c.?), advocated the prohibition of war and the harboring of few desires. For a brief discussion of him, see Fung, pp. 148-153.
24--Literally “no gate.”
25--History, “Great Norm.” Cf. Legge, trans., Shoo King, p. 331.
26--Chs. 6 and 21.
27--Ch. 33.
28--Ch. 50.
29--See Hu Shih, (1891-1962) “Chinese Thought,” in MacNair, ed. China, pp. 221-230, and Dubs, “Comparison of Greek and Chinese Philosophy,” Chinese Social
and Political Science Review, 17 (1933), 307-327.
30--Yang Liang understood yüeh as essential, but according to Liu Shih-p’ei (1884-1919), Hsün Tzu pu-shih (Supplementary Explanations of the Hsün Tzu), it means to bind, that is, to commit or to agree.
31--Shu is not to be understood in its ordinary meaning of number, as by Duyvendak (“Hsün-tzu on the Rectification of Names,” T’oung Pao, 23 [1924], p. 228) but in its technical meaning of natural principles or the natural course of things. Hu Shih’s rendering as “truth” (Development of the Logical Method in Ancient China, p. 160) is not a mistake, as Duyvendak thought.
32--In the text the twelve Chinese characters form three sentences. Wang Hsien-ch’ien punctuated them to form two sentences. This is correct because they form a parallelism.
33--Literally cheng means to summon or invite, according to Yang Liang. Therefore it is active, not just receiving knowledge passively.
34--A doctrine of Sung Tzu according to Chuang Tzu, ch. 33, nhcc, 10:31a; cf. Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 317, and Hsün Tzu, ch. 18, sptk, 12:18b; cf. Dubs, trans., Works of Hsüntze, p. 207.
35--Probably referring to Mo Tzu, ch. 44, sptk, 11:1a.
36--Mo Tzu, ch. 45, sptk, 11:9b.
37--A doctrine of Hui Shih, as recorded in Chuang Tzu, ch. 33, nhcc, 10:38b (cf. Giles, p. 321), and also in Hsün Tzu, ch. 3, sptk, 2:1b (not translated by Dubs).
38--A doctrine of Sung Tzu, according to Chuang Tzu, ch. 33, nhcc, 10:31b (cf. Giles, p. 317), also Hsün Tzu, ch. 18, sptk, 12:22b (cf. Dubs, p. 209).
39--Yang Liang ascribes the last two doctrines to Mo Tzu, but they have not been traced.
40--Referring to the Kung-sun Lung Tzu, ch. 2. The six Chinese characters preceding this sentence apparently represent two propositions, but no commentator or translator has been able to make any sense out of them without rewriting them.
41--According to Yang Liang, wei (artificial) is “man’s activity.” It means what is created by man and not a result of natural conditions. This is accepted by most commentators, including Hao I-hsing, who has pointed out that in ancient times wei (ordinarily meaning false or artificial) and wei (activity) were interchangeable.
42--This and later quotations from Mencius are not really direct but only references to Mencius’ debate with Kao Tzu on human nature. See Mencius, 6A: 1-8.
43--According to Yang Liang and Wang Hsien-ch’ien, pien-ho literally means a bamboo split into two pieces and yet coming together perfectly. Hence the idea of analysis and discrimination.
44--Chih was a notorious robber of ancient times.
45--Tseng Shen, Min Tzu-ch’ien (both of whom were pupils of Confucius), and Hsiao-i (crown prince of 14th century b.c.), were all distinguished by their filial deeds.
46--The state of Ch’i produced virtuous rulers and Lu was the native state of Confucius.
47--Ch’in was a barbarian state which eventually overthrew the Chou, united China, and set up a dictatorship in the third century b.c.
48--Compare this ancient saying with Mencius, 6B:2, to the effect that all men can become Yaos and Shuns.
49--The remaining quarter of the essay deals with the subjects of wisdom, courage, etc. and have nothing to do with the question of human nature.
THE NATURAL WAY OF LAO TZU
1--Literally path, road, way, extended to mean principle, system, truth, Reality, etc.
2--It was first mentioned in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s (145–86 b.c.?) autobiography in his Shih chi (Records of the Historian), pnp, 130:4b.
3--For a discussion of this term, see Appendix.
4--Traditionally believed to be a contemporary of Lao Tzu whose work has been lost.
5--Chuang Tzu, ch. 33, nhcc, 10:34b-35a. See Giles, trans., Chuang Tzu, 1961 ed., p. 319. This chapter is the best and oldest critique of ancient philosophical schools. Hsün Tzu (fl. 298–238 b.c.), another excellent critic of ancient philosophical schools, criticized Lao Tzu for “having insight about bending but not about expanding.” See above, p. 123.
6--Literally, the Classic of the Way and its Virtue.
7--Ch. 63; 1739 ed„ 63:1b.
8--For a lengthy and systematic discussion of the date of Lao Tzu and the Lao Tzu, see Chan, The Way of Lao Tzu, Introduction.
9--The Lao Tzu was originally not divided, but only later was it separated into two parts containing eighty-one chapters. There are many variations of a minor nature in words and order. The oldest and best text is that used by Wang Pi (226-249), the Lao Tzu tao-te ching chu (Commentary on the Lao Tzu). The text used by Ho-shang Kung (fl. 179-159 b.c.) in his Lao Tzu chang-chü (Commentary on the Lao Tzu) is supposed to be older, but its authenticity is doubted. For translations, see Bibliography. The following translation is also published separately with comments on all chapters and many more textual notes. See Chan, The Way of Lao Tzu, in Bibliography.
10--This translation of miao as “subtlety” rather than “mystery” is according to Wang Pi.
11--Ho-shang Kung and Wang Pi punctuated the sentences to mean “have desires” and “have no desires.” This interrupts the thought of the chapter. Beginning with Wang An-shih’s (1021-1086) Lao Tzu chu (Commentary), some scholars have punctuated the two sentences after wu (no) and yu (to be), thus making them to mean “There is always non-being” and “There is always being.” The terms yu and wu appear in Lao Tzu, chs. 2, 11, and 40. I prefer Wang’s punctuation.
12--Ch’en Ching-yüan (d. 1229), in his Tao-te ching chu (Commentary), punctuates the sentence after t’ung (the same) instead of t’ung-ch’u (produced from the same). This punctuation preserves the ancient rhyme of the verse.
13--The word hsüan means profound and mysterious. For a discussion of this term, see Appendix.
14--See Lao Tzu, chs. 37, 41, and 32, respectively.
15--Some texts substitute the character chiao for hsing, both of which mean to contrast. The former does not rhyme, while the latter appears in the older text.
16--Ho-shang Kung’s interpretation: He does not expect any reward. These last two sentences also appear in Lao Tzu, chs. 10, 51, and 77.
17--This sentence is also found in Lao Tzu, ch. 77 with the variation of one word.
18--The Mean, ch. 29.
19--ibid., ch. 33.
20--These words also appear in Lao Tzu, ch. 64.
21--Literally “empty,” hsü means absolute peace and purity of mind, freedom from worry and selfish desires. See Appendix for further comments on it.
22--These last four lines also appear in Lao Tzu, ch. 56.
23--The word hsiang here means “seems” and repeats the feeling expressed in the word “appear” two lines before. To interpret it as “image,” as does Arthur Waley, would be to make the Lao Tzu more metaphysical than it really is. See his translation of the Lao Tzu.
24--Variously rendered as love, benevolence, human-heartedness, true manhood. For a discussion of this term, see Appendix.
25--The word shu means variously number, repeatedly, fate, truth, etc. According to the meaning of truth, the passage would read, “Much talk destroys truth.” It seems better to adopt the meaning of repetition (always) here.
26--The word also means the mean or moderation, but here it means the center.
27--See below, ch. 8, n.35.
28--See below, ch. 30, B, 1, secs. 2-9, 16; and C, sec. 63.
29--In his Ta-hsüeh chang-chü (Commentary on the Great Learning), comment on the text.
30--See below, ch. 35, B, sec. 32.
31--See Rig Veda, 10:129 .
32--See Analects, 9:16.
33--Mencius, 2A: 2.
34--These last two sentences also appear in Lao Tzu, chs. 2 and 51.
35--These last two sentences also appear in Lao Tzu, ch. 51.
36--sppy, 12:14a. See Morgan, trans., Tao, The Great Luminant, pp. 128-129.
37--Other interpretations: Impedes one’s movements; keeps one on guard; makes his action violent.
38--The sentence is obscure. The interpretation here
follows that of Chiao Hung (1540-1620), in Lao Tzu i (Aid to the Lao Tzu).
39--Many texts have “disgrace.”
40--Also found in Lao Tzu, ch. 44.
41--History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 1, p. 137.
42--Chi, literally a thread, denotes tradition, discipline, principle, order, essence, etc. Generally it means the system, principle, or continuity that binds things together.
43--See also Lao Tzu, chs. 1 and 15.
44--The Mean, chs. 1 and 33.
45--Ch’eng I, preface to the 7 chuan (Commentary on the Book of Changes), in eccs.
46--The text has the word shih meaning the ruler instead of “Tao.” In the text collated by Fu I (555-639), Chiao-ting ku-pen Lao Tzu (The Old Text of the Lao Tzu Collated), however, the word is Tao instead. Ma Hsü-lun in his Lao Tzu chiao-ku (Lao Tzu collated and explained) and other scholars have preferred to follow Fu I. But the emendation is quite unnecessary.
47--P’u, literally an uncarved wood, has come to mean in Taoism simplicity, plainness, genuineness, etc.
48--Chiao Hung, Lao Tzu i, says that according to one tablet on which the Lao Tzu is inscribed, the word here is not wang (kingly) but chou (comprehension). Ma Hsü-lun, Lao Tzu chiao-ku, notes this approvingly but did not amend the text accordingly. Had he done so, it would not have made any improvement.
49--Ma thinks that the word T’ien (Nature) should have been ta (great).
50--The word “not” does not appear either in the Wang Pi text or in the Hoshang Kung text, but it appears here in the version used by Wu Ch’eng for his commentary, Tao-te ching chu (Commentary on the Lao Tzu), in the Yung-lo ta-tien (Great Library of the Yung-lo Period, 1403-1424), 1407, and also in the Japanese Koitsu sōshō (Collection of Missing Ancient Texts). This version has been accepted by many scholars, including Hu Shih, Development of the Logical Method in Ancient China, p. 16. The beginning phrase “the highest” is interpreted by most commentators as “the best ruler,” by some as “the highest ruler,” and by a few as “ruler of high antiquity.”
51--This sentence is also found in ch. 23.
52--Tzu-jan, literally “self-so,” means being natural or spontaneous.
53--Father, son, elder brother, younger brother, husband, and wife.
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