Book Read Free

The Moé Manifesto

Page 14

by Patrick W. Galbraith


  PG: How would you respond to people who say that moé is just about ogling cute girls?

  SM: I think that’s a misconception. There are many cute girl characters in manga, anime, and games, but that really isn’t the point. In many popular bishojo games, for example those produced by Key [see page 98], moé is evoked in the emotional scenes where we see the human aspects of the character. So is it just about the cute girls? No, I don’t think so. That’s a really impoverished way to think about moé. It’s certainly not my experience watching Gundam Seed or Noir or any of the other anime series that moved me.

  PG: What do you think the future holds for moé?

  SM: There has been some decline in the sales of manga and anime generally, but I don’t think bishojo manga, anime, and games will disappear, nor will the feeling of moé. As a buzzword among marketers and politicians, however, moé has lost its purchase.

  Moé has been analyzed and used so much that there’s really no need to say the word out loud anymore. The legacy of the moé boom is that we are all more aware of the powerful attraction of characters from manga, anime, and games. Spaces have opened up for discussing and sharing feelings for characters, and those spaces will remain open and allow for continued fan activities.

  THE PHILOMOE

  ÁSSOCIATION

  MOE_16_144-151.indd 151

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  152

  Interview with

  Morikawa Ka’ichiro

  Morikawa Ka’ichiro, born

  in 1971, is a design

  theorist and professor

  at the School of Global Japanese

  Studies at Meiji University. He is

  best known for his book Shuto no

  tanjo: moeru toshi Akihabara (Learn-

  ing from Akihabara: the birth of a

  personapolis), published in 2003,

  in which Morikawa shows how

  the Akihabara district of Tokyo has

  been taken over by the hardcore

  fans of manga and anime known

  as otaku and has come to refl ect

  their tastes. Morikawa trans-

  lated this concept into his Otaku:

  Persona=Space=City exhibition

  at the Venice Biennale in 2004.

  He is the driving force behind the

  plan to construct the Tokyo Inter-

  national Manga Library, which will

  N

  permanently house not only his

  MAN

  work from the Venice Biennale, but

  CHU S

  also archives of early anime maga-

  Z ITZR

  zines and fanzines. In this inter-

  Y F B

  PH

  view, Morikawa gives an analysis

  AR

  OG

  of the transformation of Akihabara

  TO

  PHP

  into an otaku neighborhood.

  MORIKAWA KA’ICHIRO

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  153

  Learning from Akihabara

  How Moé Transformed a Neighborhood

  Patrick W. Galbraith (PG):

  TIONADN

  In your book, Shuto no tanjo,

  OU FN

  you call Akihabara a “moeru”

  APA JE

  neighborhood. Can you ex-

  TH /

  plain what you mean?

  NC IA

  Morikawa Ka’ichiro (MK):

  H

  OS

  When Shuto no tanjo was

  NTE

  G©

  published in 2003, the term

  moé was not widely under-

  Morikawa’s exhibit in b

  Morikawa’s exhibit in book form

  ok form

  stood among the general

  public in Japan. Most people only knew and used moé in the classic sense

  sic

  , a nominalization of the verb

  moeru

  mo

  , meaning “to sprout” or “burst

  into bud.

  in

  ” So, when I called Akihabara

  a

  a moeru

  m

  neighborhood, it had a double

  meaning.

  m

  For those who weren’t ac-

  quainted with

  qu

  otaku culture, it meant

  C N

  something like a neighborhood that

  so

  HA I S

  was coming into its o

  w

  wn. For otaku, it

  OTNE

  meant a neighborhood wher

  m

  e people

  © G

  pursue

  p

  moé through manga, anime,

  and g

  a

  ames. In the fi rst chapter of the

  book,

  b

  I explain how you can separate

  people into those who know what

  moé means and those who don’t. It’s

  like an otaku litmus test. Even among

  Shuto no tanjo: moeru

  Shuto no tanjo: moeru

  otaku, not everyone understands

  toshi Akihabara

  LEARNING FROM AKIHABARA

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  154

  Artist John Hathway imagines Akihabara as a place of magic and mystery MORIKAWA KA’ICHIRO

  MOE_17_152-161.indd 154

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  155

  © JOHNHATHWAY

  what moé means. For those

  who are interested in manga,

  anime, and game characters,

  the description of something

  as moé conveys a lot of infor-

  mation. Saying something is

  moé is an indirect way of ex-

  pressing feelings.

  PG: How do you defi ne moé?

  MK: It’s an expression of af-

  fection for fi ctional characters,

  especially the characters of

  manga, anime, and games.

  PG: Can moé be used to de-

  scribe a response to objects or

  real people, too?

  MK: It depends on the situa-

  tion. If a person uses the word

  moé in reaction to an object,

  you would have to differenti-

  ate if he or she is intrinsically

  interested in the object or in

  what the object is represent-

  ing. If it’s the latter case, this

  is certainly moé. It is important

  to keep in mind that moé is a

  response to fi ctional charac-

  ters. If a person is reacting to

  a real person, then they might

  use the word “cute” ( kawaii)

  to describe them. This is not

  the same as saying the person

  is moé, which means you are

  LEARNING FROM AKIHABARA

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  156

  E

  ARW

  FTO

  K SH

  © 2003 N

  Kyoryu wakusei

  yu

  : Moé

  wakusei: Moé

  responding to a fi ctional character represented by the person.

  This is a little confusing, and the nuance was lost during the media boom surrounding moé in the mid-2000s, when people basically used moé and kawaii interchangeably. In the beginning, moé was used only in response to fi ctional characters.

  PG: How was the word moé fi rst used among otaku?

  MK: There were originally two usages of moé. The fi rst usage was to express a burst of affection. So, you would see a character and respond, “Moé!” T
he second usage was to describe your affection for characters to another otaku, for example, “This character is moé.” It was a way to express your taste, which facilitated communication with others. What is important to note is that in both these cases, the communication was computer mediated, before MORIKAWA KA’ICHIRO

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  157

  the Internet was well established, and therefore the word was never spoken out loud. There have been TV shows in Japan like Densha otoko (2005), where otaku are shown crying out the word moé, for example, and people think this is what really happens.

  But this is not at all true, and in fact just makes otaku look silly.

  PG: When moé was fi rst used in computer-mediated communication, what was the context?

  MK: In the fi rst half of the 1990s, people were using modems and local bulletin-board systems such as Nifty Serve and Tokyo BBS to communicate about manga, anime, and games. In the fi rst chapter of my book, I talk about three characters—Moé from the anime series Kyoryu wakusei (1993–1994), Takatsu Moé from the manga Taiyo ni sumasshu! (1993), and Tomoé Hotaru from the anime series Sailor Moon S (1994–1995)—as central to moé. The importance of these characters is not necessarily that they were archetypes, but rather that they were popular and each had moé as a name or part of their names. When fans would discuss their feelings for these characters online, they would type something like, “Moé-chan, moé moé.” Moé comes from the verb moeru, but this can either mean “to burn”(燃える) or “to burst into bud” (萌え

  る). These verbs have the

  same pronunciation but

  are written with differ-

  ent Chinese characters.

  So, otaku intended to

  type something like “I

  am burning with pas-

  I

  sion for this character

  I YUM

  YU

  named Moé,” but the

  computer would con-

  TD / A

  HA, L

  vert the input moé the

  S

  AND

  wrong way and use the

  O

  © K

  verb “to burst into bud”

  instead of the verb “to

  Takatsu Moé

  T

  LEARNING FROM AKIHABARA

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  158

  burn.” Everyone was too caught up in the discussion to care, and the meaning was still conveyed. Eventually, the word moé using the Chinese character for “burst into bud” came to be slang among otaku to express affection for a fi ctional character.

  PG: The three characters that you mention—Moé, Takatsu Moé, NWO

  and Hotaru Tomoé—are all young. Would you say that young LGC

  characters are more likely to inspire moé?

  MNOM

  MK: Not necessarily, no. Affection can be felt for a variety of fi c-RAY

  tional characters.

  B

  PH

  RAGOT

  PG: Can you share with us your thoughts on the O

  PH

  moé boom?

  MK: It depends on what you mean by

  boom. The real peak among otaku

  was in the early 2000s. My book,

  Shuto no tanjo, in 2003 was in

  some ways a summary

  of the moé phenomenon

  among otaku, and after

  that it spread out to the

  general public. The wa-

  tershed year was 2005,

  when the word moé was

  used in the popular

  television drama Den-

  sha otoko and its usage

  became widespread.

  That was when otaku

  sort of abandoned the

  word. You could say that

  as moé heated up, otaku

  cooled down. Otaku still

  use the term, but not

  Radio Kaikan

  MORIKAWA KA’ICHIRO

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  159

  159

  nearly as much as before. Some

  me

  use it almost as a joke, while

  others use it as a way to market

  et

  products to non- otaku, for ex-

  ample souvenirs for tourists to

  o

  Akihabara.

  NWO

  LGC

  PG: Tell us about Akihabara’s

  MNOM

  transformation into a moeru

  RAY

  neighborhood.

  B

  PH

  RA

  MK: Akihabara is a neighbor-

  G

  TOO

  hood that was transformed

  PH

  by otaku tastes in the 1990s.

  Stores in the area shifted

  from selling household ap-

  pliances to selling personal

  Akihabara maid café

  computers, which meant a

  shift in customers from families to computer specialists and hobbyists. Stores carrying personal computers also carried games for them, especially bishojo games or so-called dating simulator games, which targeted otaku. So you had otaku coming to Akihabara to buy these games at stores such as Messe Sanoh.

  There was a massive boom in bishojo games when Tokimeki Memorial was ported to Sony’s Play Station in 1995. The Comic Market, a gathering in Tokyo for producers of fanzines, was also growing in the 1990s, and there was a shop in Akihabara called Toranoana where they sold fanzines all year round. Finally, the TV anime Neon Genesis Evangelion (1995–1996) was a massive hit, and infused new energy into the market for fi gurines of its main bishojo characters. When the fi gurine maker, Kaiyodo, moved its Tokyo store to the Radio Kaikan in Akihabara in 1997, they began to sell ten times the amount of product they had before.

  This inspired other companies selling manga, anime, and games to move to the area, which sealed Akihabara’s transformation into an otaku neighborhood. So Akihabara became a moeru LEARNING FROM AKIHABARA

  MOE_17_152-161.indd 159

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  160

  neighborhood because

  e

  there were clearly

  more stores dealing

  in bishojo media and

  merchandise. And

  this overlaps with

  the increasing activ-

  ity of otaku online,

  who were discussing

  moé and spreading

  the word about Aki-

  habara. The transfor-

  mation of Akihabara

  was only possible

  because of the geo-

  graphic concentration of

  n of otaku

  in the

  otaku in the

  NW

  neighborhood.

  OLGC

  MNO

  PG: And your Venice Biennale exhibit Otaku: Persona=Space=City M

  RAY

  is in reference to this.

  B

  PHS

  MK: Yes, that’s right. It was an architectural exhibit, showing RAG

  Akihabara’s transformation. I wanted to be specifi c, and show OTO

  PH

  that this was not just a transition from shops specializing in one type of commodity to another. Rather, my argument was that the geographic concentration of otaku, who share personality traits and tastes, came to be refl ected in the urban space of Akihabara. On all the signs—everywhere, actually—you can now see images of bishojo characters of the type preferred by otaku. It’s as if private interests have entered into public space—as if the contents of an otaku’s bedroom have spilled out into an entire neighborhood of Tokyo.

  PG: Why did you decide to include an explanation of moé in your exhibitio
n at the Venice Biennale?

  MK: Moé is a part of recent otaku culture that I couldn’t overlook.

  MORIKAWA KA’ICHIRO

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  161

  As a way to introduce otaku, I had panels on the wall explaining the evolution of anime. Basically, I ar

  a gued that boys who were interested in sci-fi had become disillusioned a

  b

  bout the future. These boys

  fi

  first shifted to sci-fi anime and then to just anime.

  Instead of dr

  In

  eaming of the future, they dreamed of

  bishojo

  b

  characters.

  PG

  PG: You also included as part of the exhibition a series of panels on the w

  rie

  all that explained some key

  traditional J

  tra

  apanese aesthetics such as wabi and sabi.

  The panels that e

  Th

  xplained moé and other contempo-

  rary words were

  placed alongside

  them. Can you

  tell us what your

  intentions were

  here?

  MK: I had several

  motivations for

  doing this. First

  of all, I received

  funding to go to

  Otaku tastes refl ected on the streets of Akihabara the Venice Biennale and do this exhibition on otaku and Akihabara and so I needed to make sure I explained the project in a way that would make sense to people whose job it is to fund the promotion of Japan. In addition to that, in using the moé panel I wanted to parody the famous 1978 exhibition Ma: Space-Time in Japan by the architect Isozaki Arata that explored traditional Japanese aesthetics. Finally, I wanted to suggest that we cannot possibly know how the culture of today will be judged in the future, so it is meaningless to make distinctions between high and low culture. We should learn about moé while we can and save the judgments for later.

  LEARNING FROM AKIHABARA

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  162

  Interview with

  N

  Ito Go

  ANMAN

  HUHCHUC SSC

  TZITZITRFRY F B

  I

  PH

  to Go, born in 1967, is a manga

 

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