The Crusades and the Near East

by Kostick, Conor

  65 Galterii Cancellarii Bella Antiochena, Heinrich Hagenmeyer (ed.), Innsbruck: Verlag der Wagner’schen universitäts-buchhandlung, 1896, p. 63: ‘Latini, Graeci, Syri, Armeni, aduenae et peregrini’; translation from T.S. Asbridge and S.B. Edgington (trs), Walter the Chancellor’s The Antiochene Wars, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999, p. 81.

  66 Louise Cochrane, Adelard of Bath: The First English Scientist, London: British Museum Press, 1994, p. 34.

  67 Cochrane, Adelard of Bath, pp. 32–50.

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  68 Charles Burnett, ‘Antioch as a link between Arabic and Latin culture in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, in Isabelle Draelants, Anne Tihon and Baudouin van den Abeele (eds), Occident et Proche-Orient: contacts scientifiques au temps des croisades, Turnhout: Brepols, 2000, pp. 1–77, at 2–4.

  69 Burnett, ‘Antioch as a link’, pp. 5–9.

  70 Burnett, ‘Antioch as a link’, pp. 6–7.

  71 See Ullmann, Islamic Medicine, pp. 53–4, 97–106; Adamson, Medieval Dietetics, pp. 42–9.

  72 Max Meyerhof and G.P.G. Sobhy (eds), The Abridged Version of the ‘Book of Simple Drugs’ of Ahamd ibn Muhammed al-Ghafiqi by Greorius abu’l-Farag (Barhebraeus), 4

  vols in 3 (incomplete), Cairo: al-Ettemad Printing Press, 1932–8.

  73 See discussion in S.B. Edgington, ‘Medical knowledge in the crusading armies: the evidence of Albert of Aachen and others’, in Malcolm Barber (ed.), The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1994, pp.

  320–6, at 321–3; Rudolf Hiestand, ‘König Balduin und sein Tanzbär’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 70, 1988, 343–60.

  74 GN 287–8: ‘gravissimum similiter in prelio vulnus exceperat. Verebatur providentia illius quem sibi adhibuerat medici inditis cataplasmatibus exterius cicatricem obducere

  – noverat enim idem vulnus interiora corporis profundius attigisse – ne, dum cutis superficies equaretur, intrinsecus saniei congeries foveretur. Quod ita fieri miro modo, laudabili coniectura experientiaque proposuit. Regem petierat ut aliquam ex his quos custodia detinebat Sarracenis personam eo statu, tali in loco, quo ipse sauciatus fuerat, vulnerari preciperet – christianam enim petere nefas erat – et post illationem vulneris occidi iuberet, quatinus in interfecti corpore licentius disquireret, immo ex eius dispectione perpenderet qualiter se in suis plagia regia internis haberet. Horruit ad haec nimium pietas principalis et . . . negat se cuiuspiam hominum, etiem deterrimae omnium conditionis, causam mortis ullatenus pro tantilla, cum etiam sit dubia, salute futurum. Tum medicus: “Si”, inquit, “reparandae tibi gratia sospitatis nemini vitam adimere definisti, saltem ursum, inutilem satis nisi spectaculo bestiam, admoveri manda, prioribus pedibus in sublime porrectis erectam ferro feriri impera, cuius peremptae postmodum cum pervidero viscera, metiri sane utcumque potero quorsum intro processerit, quantum quoque, lesio tua”. Cui rex: “Bestia”, ait, “non in mora, cum opus fuerit, erit: factum puta”. Facto igitur ad libitum medici ex fera periculo, comperit incommodum, ut prelibavimus, regi si obductio celerius vulneri proveniret, nisi prius exhausta purulentia pars intrinsecus scissa coiret . ’ My translation.

  75 Mitchell, Medicine in the Crusades, pp. 160–3.

  76 AA 664: ‘trans femur et renes’; FC 460–1: ‘prope cordi regem a dorso’; WT 485: ‘a parte posteriori per cratem costarum cordi vicinum’.

  77 AA 666: ‘medicos peritissimos illi . . . quorum arte et peritia’; FC 460–1: ‘post incisionem etiam cicatricis’; WT 485: ‘medicorum adhibita sollicitudine post incisiones et cauteria’.

  78 WT 859: ‘rex apud Antiochiam ante ingruentem hiemem, prout consueverat, farmaco uti volens, per manum Barac, medici Tripolitani comitis, pillulas accepit, et quas in instanti sumeret et quas postmodum, modico interiecto tempore, esset accepturus.

  Nostri enim Orientales principes, maxime id efficientibus mulieribus, spreta nostrorum Latinorum phisica et medendi modo solis Iudeis, Samaritanis, Syris et Sarracenis fidem habentes, eorum cure se subiciunt inprudenter et eis se commendant, phisicarum rationum prorsus ignaris.’ Translation from E.A. Babcock and A.C. Krey (trs), A History of Deeds Done beyond the Sea by William Archbishop of Tyre, Records of Civilization 35, 2, New York: Columbia University Press, 1943, pp. 292–3.

  79 WT 956–7: ‘soluta obsidione reversus est, apud familiares conquerens quod non satis sanus esset nec in bona corporis habitudine. Inde dimissis expeditionibus cum familiare 212

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  comitatu Tyberiadem pervenit, ubi dissinteria cepit periculosissime laborare; inde, morbum metuens . . . Ierosolimam ingressus est, ubi ingravescente valitudine febre etiam cepit vehementissime laborare, cessante phisicorum artificio dissinteria. Cumque per dies aliquot ea febre supra vires affligeretur, precepit ad se accersiri medicos Grecos, Syros et illarum nationum homines, petens instantisissime ab eis ut aliqua decoctiuncula alvum eius solverent. Quod cum ab eis impetrare non posset, fecit ad se consequenter evocare Latinos, a quibus adipsum exigens, adiciens etiam ut sibi omnes rei imputeretur eventus. Dederunt ergo ei decoctiunculam unam, qua sumpta sine difficultate assellavit aliquotiens, ita ut sibi videretur quod ei esset melius; ante tamen quam corpus, medicine violentia exhaustum, sumpto cibo posset reficere, febre solita recurrente in fata concessit . ’ Babcock and Krey (trs), A History of Deeds, p. 395.

  80 Itinerarium peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi, p. 61: ‘Marchisus infirmatus medicos peremit proprios. Interea, morbus quidam familiaris et solitus Marchiso incutitur: at quia consueto asperior tunc casu irruerat, potionem pestiferam hausisse conjectat. Triste igitur in medicos, potionum artifices, exit edictum, et iniqua suspicione perimuntur innocui, quorum professio non mortis discrimen ingerit, sed morbi salutem promittit. Itinerarium.’ Nicholson (tr.), The Chronicle of the Third Crusade, p. 70.

  81 Carole Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999, p. 354.

  82 WT 961–2: ‘consultisque medicis, crebris fomentis, unctionibus, farmaciis etiam, ut ei subveniretur diligenter, sed frustra, procuratum est’. Babcock and Krey (trs), A History of Deeds, p. 398.

  83 Claude Cahen, ‘Indigènes et Croisés: quelques mots à propos d’un medecin d’Amaury et de Saladin’, Syria 15, 1934, 351–60. For more on Baldwin IV’s leprosy, see Bernard Hamilton, The Leper King and His Heirs: Baldwin IV and the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, and especially the appendix by Piers Mitchell, ‘An evaluation of the leprosy of King Badwin IV of Jerusalem in the context of the medieval world’, pp. 245–58.

  84 According to Woodings, ‘The medical resources’, p. 271, this treatment is described by Roger of Salerno.

  85 An Arab-Syrian Gentleman and Warrior in the Period of the Crusades: Memoirs of Usa

  ¯mah Ibn-Munqidh, P.K. Hitti (tr.), New York: Columbia University Press, 1929, pp. 162–3.

  86 Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, p. 262; see also Lawrence Conrad,

  ‘Usa

  ¯mah ibn Munqidh and other witnesses to Frankish and Islamic medicine in the era of the crusades’, in Zohar Amar, Efrayim Lev and Yehoshua Schwartz (eds), Medicine in Jerusalem through the Ages, Tel-Aviv: Bar Elan University Press, 1999, pp. xxvii–lii.

  87 Le livre des Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois de Jérusalem, M. le Comte Beugnot (ed.), RHC Lois II.3–274; Joshua Prawer, Crusader Institutions, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980, pp. 358–411. See also Ernest Wickersheimer, ‘Organisation et législation sanitaires au royaume franc de Jérusalem (1099–1291)’, Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences 4, 1951, 689–705, at 694–8. S.B. Edgington, ‘Medicine and surgery in the Livre des Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois de Jérusalem’, Al-Masa

  ¯q 18,

  2005, 87–97, contains a translation of the two chapters and a commentary.

  88 Prawer, Crusader Institutions, p. 368.

  89 For the status of slaves, see Prawer, Crusader Institutions,
pp. 208–9.

  90 Assises, ch. 236, pp. 164–6.

  91 Assises, ch. 236, p. 165: ‘Encement se celuy miege peut mostrer en la cort, par bone garentie, que celuy qu’il meget gesi ou feme, ou but vin, ou manga aucune mauvaise viande que celuy li avoit defendu, ou fist aucune chose que ne dut faire si tost, la raison juge et coumande à juger que encores l’eust le miege autrement megé qu’il ne deust, 213

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  si n’en est il de riens tenus d’amender, por ce que plus esperte raison est d’entendre qu’il chiet mors par ce qu’il ne devet faire ce que defendu li estet, que par le mau megere, et ce est dreit et raison par l’assise. Mais se le miege ne li avet riens defendu de mager, ne de bevre, ne de feme toucher, et la toucha ou manga ou but se qu’il ne dut, et il en moruth, la raison juge que le miege est tenus de celuy amender, par dreit; por ce que le miege est tenus, par dreit, si tost come il veit le malade, de comander li se que il devra manger et ce qu’il ne devra manger; et ce il ne le fait et il mesavient, si det estre sur le miege. Mais se celuy miege, en tant come il ot pris celuy en cure de meger, li avint meschance, qu’il fu pris des Sarasins, ou qu’il li avint maladie, ou aucune autre mesaventure par qui il ne le post venir veyr seluy malade, et celuy meurt, la raison juge que le miege n’est tenus de riens amender, par dreit.’

  92 Assises, ch. 238, pp. 167–9.

  93 Assises, ch. 238, p. 168: ‘ou il ala tant à chanbre que avant qu’il fust jor il l’ot geté can que il avet dedens le cors, et fiege et polmon, et moruth’.

  94 Assises, ch. 238, p. 168: ‘Encement se je ai un mien esclaf malade de meselerie, ou de roigne seche, ou d’aucune autre maladie, et je viens à un miege et li fais couvenant que c’il le garisse, par ensi que la moitié de ce que il sera vendus sera sien et l’autre de son seignor qui l’a acheté, et celuy miege le prent en cure, et i fait ce que il sait, mais ne vaut riens, que celuy meurt, la raison juge que de ce fait n’est point tenus par dreit le miege d’amender le serf ou la serve, por ce qu’il i pert tout premier son travaill, et tout ce qu’il en devet aver; et ce est dreit et raison par l’assise.’

  95 Assises, chs. 34, 35, p. 38.

  96 Assises, ch. 238, pp. 168–69.

  97 Assises, ch. 238, p. 169: ‘Encement nul miege estranger, ce est qui veigne d’Outremer ou de Païnime, ne det meger d’orine nuluy jusques à ce que il soit esprovés par autres mieges, les meillors de la terre, en presence dou vesque de la terre, devant qui se det estre fait. Et s’on counut que celuy soit dreit heir de megerie meger, coumandement li det douner le vesque, d’iqui en avant, de meger par la vile, là où il vora, par les lettres dou vesque, que il en aura de guarentie, que mieges est provés et que meger peut, par dreit, d’orine. Et ce est dreit et raison par l’asise de Jerusalem. Encement et c’il avient qu’il ne set pas bon miege, que meger ne puisse, la raison juge que le vesque et la cort li devent coumander qu’il vude la cité, ou ce non, qu’il estaise en la terre sans nuluy meger. Et s’il aveneit que aucun miege megast par la vile, sans congé de la court et de l’evesque, la cort le deit prendre et faire frustrer hors de la vile, par dreit et par l’asize de Jerusalem.’

  98 Joseph Schatzmiller, Jews, Medicine, and Medieval Society, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994, p. 14 and n. 1, p. 15.

  99 RHC Lois II.277–350.

  100 Joshua Prawer, The Crusaders’ Kingdom: European Colonialism in the Middle Ages, New York: Praeger, 1972, pp. 147, 153, 410. See also Conrad, ‘Usa

  ¯ma ibn Munqidh’,

  p. xlix.

  101 The Book of the Islamic Market Inspector: Nihayat al-Rutba fi Talab al-Hisba (The Utmost Authority in the Pursuit of Hisba) by ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Nasr al-Shayzari, R.P. Buckley (tr.), Journal of Semitic Studies Supplement 9, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. See also Ghada Karmi, ‘State control of the physicians in the Middle Ages: an Islamic model’, in A.W. Russell (ed.), The Town and State Physician in Europe from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment, Wolfenbütteler Forschungen 17, Wolfenbuttel: Herzog August Bibliothek, 1981, pp. 63–84.

  102 Book of the Islamic Market Inspector, pp. 12–14.

  103 Book of the Islamic Market Inspector, pp. 65–9, 108–18.

  104 Conrad Schick, ‘The Muristan, or the site of the hospital of St John in Jerusalem’, Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement, 1902, 49–50, and plan. The plan is 214

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  reproduced by B.Z. Kedar, ‘A twelfth-century description of the Jerusalem hospital’, in Helen Nicholson (ed.), The Military Orders, Vol. 2: Welfare and Warfare, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998, pp. 3–26, at 9.

  105 Theoderich in Peregrinationes tres: Saewulf, John of Würzburg, Theodericus, R.B.C.

  Huygens (ed.), CCCM 139, Turnhout: Brepols, 1994, pp. 157–8: ‘Que quantis edificiis decorata, quantis domiciliis et lectulis atque aliis utensiliis in usus pauperum et infirmorum atque debilium exhibendis habundans, quam in substantia pauperum recreationibus impendenda locuples, quam in ipsa egenorum sit sustentatione sollicita, nullus alteri verbis fidem posset facere nisi ipse propriis hoc oculis valeret deprehendere.

  Siquidem transeuntes per palatium numerum simul accumbentium nullo modo quivimus discernere, lectorum vero numerum millenarium vidimus excedere.’ Aubery Stewart (tr.), Theoderic’s Description of the Holy Places (c.1172 AD), Palestine Pilgrims’

  Text Society 5.4, London: Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, 1896, text D, p. 22.

  106 Peregrinationes tres, p. 131; Stewart (tr.), Theoderic’s description of the Holy Places, text B, p. 44.

  107 Codex Vat Lat 4852. See also Katja Klement, ‘“Von Krankenspeisen und Ärzten . . .”

  Eine unbekannte Verfügung des Johannitermeisters Roger des Moulins (1177–1187) im Codex Vaticanus Latinus 4852’, unpublished doctoral thesis, Salzburg, June 1996; and S.B. Edgington, ‘Administrative regulations for the hospital of St John in Jerusalem dating from the 1180s’, Crusades 4, 2005, 21–37, which contains the full text and an English translation.

  108 Munich Clm. 4620. A ‘provisional edition’ of the text is presented by B.Z. Kedar,

  ‘Twelfth-century description’, pp. 13–26. See also S.B. Edgington, ‘Medical care in the hospital of St John in Jerusalem’, in Nicholson (ed.), The Military Orders, Vol. 2, pp. 27–33.

  109 J.M.A. Delaville Le Roulx (ed.), Cartulaire général de l’ordre des hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jérusalem, 1100–1310, 4, Paris: E. Leroux, 1894–1906, No. 627, I.426: ‘ad servicium pauperum Hospitalis Jerusalem quatuor sapientes medici deputentur, qui urinarum qualitates et infirmitatum diversitates discernere sciant, et qui in medicinis conficiendis consulere possint eis’. E.J. King (tr.), The Early Statutes of the Knights Hospitallers, Historical Pamphlets 5, London: Library Committee, Order of St John of Jerusalem, 1932, No. 2, p. 34.

  110 Acta Pontificum Romanorum Inedita, J.A.G. von Pflugk-Harttung (ed.), 3, Stuttgart: Fues, 1884, No. 441, II.389: ‘Remedia preterea ad infirmorum curam deliberatione provida constituta, videlicet, ut in domo hospitalis semper quinque medici et tres sint cirurgici, ad quorum dispositionem ea, que in cibariis aut aliis infirmis necessaria fuerint, ministrentur.’ But see also Rudolf Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Templar und Johanniter Archivberichte und Texte, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972, No.

  172, p. 361: three out of eight copies of the manuscript have ‘quatuor medici et totidem chirurgici’.

  111 Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Knights of St John in Jerusalem and Cyprus 1050–1310, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1967, pp. 466–52; Luc Verheijen, Nouvelle approche de la Règle de Saint Augustin, Maine et Loire: Institut historique augustinien, 1988.

  112 Acta Pontificum, II.389.

  113 J.C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons, and Their Introduction into England, London: S.P.C.K., 1950, pp. 40–8.

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  9

  A R C H I T E C T U R E O F

  T H E C R U S A D E R S I N T H E

  H O L Y L A N D

  The fir
st European colonial architecture?

  Jürgen Krüger

  The church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem was rebuilt significantly during the crusaders’ era. During the twelfth century it gained the structure that still determines its appearance today. The building structure and architectural details of the church can be traced as patterns to various influences, which thus provide the optimal means of focusing on questions concerning the cultural interchange between the orient and the occident.1

  It was the Emperor Constantine the Great who, during the years 325 to 335, initiated the first multifaceted erection of a church at this location, a building that underwent numerous alterations over the following centuries.2 The integrity of the originally complex structure – containing the atrium, basilica (called martyrium), inner court with the rock of Golgotha, a rotunda with the grave site, and additional side areas for baptism and the palace of the patriarch – was compromised profoundly over time. Due to the conquest of the Arabs in 638 the basilica seems to have lost a part of its precious furnishings and equipment. More decisive, however, were the events of the year 1009, when Caliph al-Hakim ordered the destruction of the church of the Holy Sepulchre for reasons that remain unfathomable even now. In contrast to the earlier events, there is no doubt that the destruction of 1009 was carried out on a large scale.3 Even though the caliph permitted a reconstruction of the church shortly afterwards – accomplished with the financial, material and logistical help of the Byzantine emperor – the church, completed around 1040/50, had been greatly reduced in its dimensions compared to former times: the basilica remained in ruins, which reduced the area taken up by the church by almost half. A new main portal had to be created, since the old one situated towards the cardo could not be used any longer.4 Rows of chapels were erected along this new entry area, which was now placed south of the old inner courtyard including the rock of Golgotha and in the inner court itself, in order to house the relics that had been salvaged in the meantime. The 216