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Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe

Page 81

by Bart Schultz


  a famous story about Sidgwick’s attitude toward Symonds’s poetry. As

  Grosskurth describes it:

  Late in December [of ] Symonds wrote a poem entitled ‘Eudiades’ on the

  theme of a Greek boy and his older lover. When Henry Sidgwick arrived for a

  fortnight’s visit in the middle of January, Symonds showed him ‘Eudiades’ and

  a number of other poems of the same nature. Sidgwick read them with horror

  and warned him of the dangers he invited by pursuing his erotic interests. He

  persuaded him to lock up all his poetry in a black tin box (except the MS. of

  ‘Eudiades’ which Symonds had given to Dakyns and which Dakyns loyally refused

  to surrender) and on  January, Sidgwick stood on the bank of the Avon and

  dramatically flung the key into the water.

  On the th, Norman came to dine alone with Symonds for the first time.

  Despite Sidgwick’s warnings, Symonds deliberately set about winning Norman’s

  affection and from the outset he did not deceive himself about the possible con-

  sequences of such a course. All his previous warnings to Arthur Sidgwick, all

  his exhortations to Graham Dakyns and his fear of his father’s reaction were

  completely disregarded as he eagerly succumbed to the excitement of this new

  attraction.

  As should by now be obvious, any such description hardly captures

  the tenor of Symonds’s relationships with Sidgwick and Dakyns, both

  of whom shared his poetic enthusiasms at some level. Grosskurth was so

  keen on making Sidgwick out to be an echo of Symonds’s father that she

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  even mistakenly claimed that he was the one who alarmed Symonds about

  the danger of “John Morden,” his paean to a London newsboy. It was

  of course not Henry but Arthur Sidgwick who moved Symonds to write

  to Dakyns, in November of : “A letter from Arthur has stung me to

  this recoil upon myself. It is all really well with him, but wild fire is abroad

  in the world & who am I that I should offend against God’s elect?”

  Symonds’s description of Henry’s reaction strikes a different chord:

  Early in January  Jowett paid us a visit; and on  January my daughter

  Margaret was born. Next day Henry Sidgwick came to stay, and we thoroughly

  investigated the subject of my poems on Erôs. His conclusion was that I ought to

  abandon them, as unhealthy and disturbing to my moral equilibrium. I assented.

  We locked them all up in a black tin box, with the exception of ‘Eudiades’. . . .

  Having done this, Henry threw the key into the river Avon on the rd.

  There was something absurd in all this, because I felt myself half-consciously

  upon the point of translating my dreams and fancies about love into fact. And on

   January occurs the entry, ‘Norman dined with me alone: %#, &#,

  . I was launched upon a new career, with the overpowering sweetness

  of the vision of Eudiades pervading my soul.

  And in fact, once again it is Arthur rather than Henry who sounds “hor-

  rified” about Symonds’s verse. When Dakyns showed it to him, he pro-

  nounced it “degrading to whoever wrote and whoever reads,” and his “high

  and mighty ways” nettled Symonds to no end, making him write in turn:

  What matters it if ephemerals like ‘Eudiades’ perish? This brain holds a dozen

  Eudiadeses. And you were quite at liberty, so far as I am concerned, to burn it.

  But about ‘Eudiades’ I have still something to say. This poem was written with

  an attempt to realize a historical situation. You asked me what I meant by the

  temptation of the lovers. I chose to depict one of those young men of Plato’s

  Phaedrus, who recoil from acts which were permissible in Hellas. But I admit

  there is an element of pathos in the poem, which makes it what you called ‘orectic’

  and therefore inartistic.

  Symonds was of course lecturing at Clifton during this period, which

  inspired Arthur to lecture him on how he should enter into his teaching in

  a “philanthropic” spirit, rather than as a hunt for “emotional excitement.”

  Still, there “was no rift in the lute” of their friendship.

  When Symonds visited him later in April, Henry’s reaction, was slightly

  different:

  I showed my diary to Henry, who said, ‘It fills me with terror and pain. I ad-

  mire your spiritual gifts so much, the versatility of your intellectual interests,

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  your power of poetizing life. But this thread of etherealized sensuality.’ In spite

  of the uneasiness which I too felt, and which these remarks accentuated, I

  was pledged to meet Norman in London. My foot was in, and could not be

  drawn out.

  But this too is easily misinterpreted. Of Sidgwick’s January visit, so

  different from the one the year before, Symonds wrote to Mrs. Clough:

  “Sidgwick has been here nearly a fortnight – is just gone. I have enjoyed his

  visit much, but I am overdone.” Of their encounter in April, Symonds

  wrote to Dakyns: “Henry read my ' !(! & lectured me as severely

  as he can. It did clearly not agree with him or please him. I confess that

  what he said pricked my conscience & I was made very sick & sorrowful.”

  Consequently, when he gets together with Norman, he has “been able to

  readjust my view of the life wh I had designed for us two. Henry has mod-

  ified it permanently & in the right direction. But Norman’s presence has

  restored its transcendentalism. And Catherine understands.” Sidgwick

  was, after all, addressing Symonds in his own idiom, and with an effort to

  sympathize.

  Thus, during this interval from December  through spring of ,

  Symonds is busily composing the lectures that would go into Studies of

  the Greek Poets, and he is pursuing Norman with some ardor, clear in

  his mind that “the fruition of my moderate desires brought peace and

  sanity and gladness.” Sidgwick, who had deeply sympathized with him

  ever since the summer of , and who had been counted as an in-

  timate friend to share his sexual writings with, has been gently chal-

  lenged in his cautiousness and not so gently challenged in his philoso-

  phizing, and decides that, as with religion, silence may be his best course,

  explaining to Dakyns: “I have stayed with Symonds. What shall I say

  of Symonds? I will keep silence even from good words. Some day I

  will tell you, if you care.” (CWC) Symonds also writes to Dakyns to

  say that he and Sidgwick “are to have now ‘a long silence’ about his

  concerns.”

  Only two weeks would pass before Symonds would write to Dakyns
/>   to discuss Sidgwick’s letter to him (Dakyns) about the resignation of his

  fellowship:

  Here is Henry’s letter wh I hardly like to return, it is so good. Your own is a proper pendant to it. But he has the clear advantage of a crisis. I have always said that

  the real tragedy of a life is when its crisis is no crisis – a prolonged struggle & protracted anéantissement. Coleridge says somewhere it is a duty to hope. Then

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  let us do our duty. But I know not if the voice of that stern mother is ever more

  maddening than when she bids us be of a hopeful spirit & of a cheerful heart in

  the midst of the Valley of the Shadow – the Valley is so long, about as long as the

  Rhone Valley.

  No doubt Symonds had helped Sidgwick avoid the tragedy of a life

  with a crisis that is no crisis. But so had Dakyns, who in May had written

  Sidgwick a strange letter complaining about the silence of his friends:

  Their names are (besides J.A.S.) H.S: A.S: J.R.M: and many others H.W.E: W.C.S:

  and many more. But they have come now to regard him as dead, who long played

  the part of corpse. The only resource left is to read over old letters, & think

  what each of them wd. be likely to say if the channel of communication cd.

  suddenly again burst open. Yours are full of very plain prophecy – & strong tender expostulation & it is marvellous that the adder in me was so deaf. Verily I say unto you I have my reward. But will you not do violence to natural psychological

  laws – & forgetting the hideous hiatus – speak? I believe I shall understand.

  There are moreover on a lower level far a thousand things I want to hear you say

  which may be said – without galvanising forfeited friendship: amicus olim amico

  loquitur.

  v. My opinion is that the th public are about ripe for his poems – at any rate an

  excerpt. It amuses me to see the gigantic gudgeon swallowing certain passages in

  “sketches” most complacently – On the other hand I ask myself more now, whether

  it would not have been better long ago like Shelley or even like Swinburne to have

  put the poems forth at once in toto regardless of consequences. But I can’t explain

  my point of view except viva voce. I dare say festina lente was Shakespeare’s motto.

  The sonnets weren’t allowed to damage him. But what nonsense was there any

  need for caution or thought of it in those days? (CWC)

  However demented, this letter nonetheless makes the case for

  Symonds’s coming out in print, the consistent Dakynsean line. After all,

  in January, before the celebrated tossing of the key into the Avon, Dakyns

  had written to Sidgwick in a pitch of enthusiasm: “I have not solved the

  mystery of the universe. I have the finest poem of all in my portmanteau.

  It is called Eudiades.” This was the very same letter that had gone on

  about having tasted “uranian food.” Again, Sidgwick had been counted as

  an insider, one who knew everything there was to know about the veiled

  homoerotic meanings of Symonds’s work, not to mention the work of

  Swinburne, Shelley, and Shakespeare. The problem was the public, that

  “gigantic gudgeon.”

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  Soon the friendships are all back on course. Symonds produces his

  collection of Clough’s works, which inspires Sidgwick to write his essay

  on Clough, which in turn inspires Symonds to write that Sidgwick’s essay

  “is really the best thing I have ever seen of yours and a celestial luminary

  among Reviews. . . . You have, I think, said the dernier mot about Clough on a great many points.”

  Feeling the pinch of skepticism, of hypocrisy, and something more,

  Sidgwick had finally managed a real crisis. And he was becoming rather

  famous for his studied silences.

  What, precisely, was the faith that had seemed so inadequate in the face

  of Symonds’s crisis and Sidgwick’s casuistry? A letter to Noel from January

  of , a letter that beautifully captures the quality of the metaphysical

  thinking refracted in the Methods (and this with reference to a discussion

  society), is illuminating on a number of counts:

  Are you going to the Metaphysical on the th? If so will you take me in at Kew

  that night, and then we can discuss Palingenesis & the Immortality of the Soul.

  I should have written but have been busy in various ways finishing up odds &

  ends of work here. I send back your papers. As to Green I do not know whether I

  advise sending it to him. He is in the state of mind in which he does not care about

  other people’s opinions, & rather shuns them – a state of mind not unnatural in an original, rather lethargic intellect, conscious of thoughts unworked out. At least

  he does not care a bit about my opinions: he might care more about yours. Only my vanity you see, will not allow me exactly to promise you that he will.

  If you like I will ask him. I think he would quite allow that he had made

  Aristotle Hegelianize and would maintain that A. can only so be made

  profitable.

  Your arguments on the [Imm.?] seem to me very able and closely put. In fact

  I have rather delayed to answer from a wish to answer them more satisfactorily:

  I can only make one or two remarks () as to the Unity of consciousness I see

  you revive what is ordinarily regarded as Locke’s paradox on Personal Identity. I

  admit that personal identity as a doctrine of consciousness, ascertained by Empirical Psychology, is only coextensive with memory, or if not with actual memory at any

  rate with possible memory. But one may fairly ask, how can you limit possible

  memory? How can you be sure that all our past consciousnesses are not potentially reversible, as we know some to have been actually recovered when they were to all

  appearances irretrievably lost.

  At any rate as a Belief of Common Sense, personal identity is held to extend

  through the whole of a stream of consciousness where there has been no break of

  continuity, (as in the life of a normal man).

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  However this [is] all beside the mark to my mind: as I have never based my

  belief in immortality on our consciousness of the oneness of Self. I have always

  considered Kant’s ‘Paralogisms’ conclusive as against that.

  What I really base it on (apart from the evidence supplied by Spiritualism, and

  apart from religious grounds) is on Ethics, as Kant, supported by Common Sense.

  But I do not state the argument quite as you answer it: but thus.

  In face of the conflict between Virtue & Happiness, my own voluntary life, and

  that of every
other man constituted like me, i.e. I believe, of every normal man is

  reduced to hopeless anarchy.

  Two authorities roughly speaking Butler’s ‘self-love’ and ‘Conscience’ claim to

  rule, and neither will yield to the other.

  The only way of avoiding this intolerable anarchy is by the Postulate of Immor-

  tality. But you may say – ‘you cannot believe it because you want to’.

  I reply; I find

  ) in me an inherited predisposition to this faith.

  ) In human history the belief is that of the best part of mankind: it has nearly,

  though not quite, the authority of a belief of Common Sense.

  Not only is the dualism of practical reason presented here in unvar-

  nished form, but also the various possible resolutions of it – theistic (or

  spiritualistic), epistemological, and ethical. But perhaps most noteworthy

  is Sidgwick’s simple confession that he has “an inherited predisposition

  to this faith,” in the Postulate of Immortality, a faith that he thinks so

  widespread as to nearly have the authority of common sense. This is

  nearly to say that his belief in the harmony of the Universe was on a par

  with Symonds’s sexual inversion – he was simply born that way. Hence,

  their inner voyaging after the “true self” was a remarkable case of elec-

  tive affinities, twinning the religious and the sexual. And doubtless this

  deep conviction of his own immortality goes far to explain how he could

  have been so persuaded of the rationality and logical priority of egoism,

  just as much as it was a reflection of the grip egoism had on him. For on

  Sidgwick’s rendering, is not the appeal to one’s immortal soul typically

  egoistic? Whether in Plato or in Christianity, is it not the final strategy for

  marrying self-interest and justice? What point would there be in depicting

  an eternity of self-sacrifice? Would one wish that on one’s loved ones?

  But what was at the bottom of this? Thought? Feeling? Knowledge?

  Hope? Evolutionarily useful dispositions? Small wonder that Symonds

  found this philosophy unsatisfactory. So did Sidgwick, and the decades to

  come would only play out their struggles with their “abnormality.”

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