The Mammoth Book of Cover-Ups

by Jon E. Lewis

  Ian Sayer and Douglas Botting, Nazi Gold: The Story of the World’s Greatest Robbery – and Its Aftermath, 1984

  NAZI MOON BASE

  Towards the end of the Second World War, Allied airmen in Europe were astonished to encounter strange craft that flew at speeds far in advance of their propeller-driven planes. The high-speed craft turned out to be the Nazis’ jet-engined Me262 fighter or, on rare occasions, the Me163 rocket plane. With the subsequent Allied takeover of Germany’s military research facilities, the superiority of Nazi aeronautics and rocketry was confirmed. But was Nazi science sufficiently far advanced to have sent men to the moon?

  Precisely where the idea came from that the Nazis had mounted a moon mission is unclear, but in 1993 the president of the American Academy of Dissident Sciences, Vladimir Terziski, published an article entitled “Half a Century of the German Moon Base”. According to Terziski:

  The Germans landed on the Moon as early as probably 1942, utilizing their larger exoatmospheric rocket saucers of the Miethe and Schriever type. The Miethe rocket craft was built in diameters of 15 and 50 meters [49ft and 164ft], and the Schriever Walter turbine-powered craft was designed as an interplanetary exploration vehicle. It had a diameter of 60 meters [197ft], had 10 stories of crew compartments, and stood 45 meters [148ft] high. Welcome to Alice in Saucerland. In my extensive research of dissident American theories about the physical conditions on the Moon I have proved beyond the shadow of a doubt that there is atmosphere, water and vegetation on the Moon, and that man does not need a space suit to walk on the Moon. A pair of jeans, a pullover and sneakers are just about enough.

  According to Terziski, members of the occult pan-German Vril and Thule societies made contact with aliens during the inter-war period and were able to pass on alien technology to the Nazis, notably the SS Military Technical Branch E-IV. Aside from landing on the moon, the Nazis bored under the surface to create a lunar station, staffed by some 40,000 people, which in the 1950s was used by both the Russians and the Americans.

  Oh, and the Nazis managed to reach Mars too. On earth, despite their defeat in the war, the Nazis continued space exploration from a secret underground base in New Swabia (Antarctica), where Hitler resided after his escape from the Berlin bunker.

  There is no way of proving that aliens cooperated with the Third Reich in aviation design and technology, and the supersonic speeds of Luftwaffe aircraft can be explained in entirely mundane terms. By the Treaty of Versailles which ended the First World War, Germany was forbidden to build aircraft for military use. Frustrated aeronautical designers such as Reimar and Walter Horten turned instead to improving aerodynamics and wing-design in sporting gliders, perfecting both delta and disc wings. When Germany rearmed under Hitler, these gains in aviation technology were fed directly into the warplane industry. The apex of Nazi aeronautics, the Mel63, was delta-winged.

  The Nazis sent a successful mission to the moon: ALERT LEVEL 1

  Further Reading

  Vladimir Terziski, “Half a Century of the German Moon Base”, http://greyfalcon.us/restored/German%20Moon%20Base%20Alpha.htm

  NEW WORLD ORDER

  During the Persian Gulf War, US President George H. W. Bush sent right-wing conspiracists into paroxysms of excitement when, in a September 1990 speech to Congress, he announced: “Out of these troubled times … a new world order – can emerge.”

  Here finally the fears of the John Birch Society were confirmed: George Bush was bent on the introduction of a one-world government controlled by a small cabal of capitalists. To rub the noses of the Birch boys in the dirt, Poppy Bush just kept on repeating the NWO phrase at every public opportunity.

  The John Birch Society based much of its analysis of the New World Order menace on a 1,300-page pioneering history of the 20th century by Professor Carroll Quigley of Georgetown University. In his Tragedy and Hope (1966), Quigley stated:

  There does exist, and has existed for a generation, an international Anglophile network … I have studied it for 20 years and was permitted … to examine its papers and secret records.

  This was the Holy Grail for conspiracists, a certified top-drawer academic putting it on record that a worldwide conspiracy by a few truly existed. Quigley, warming to his hypothesis, explained that British diamond magnate Cecil Rhodes “left his fortune to form a secret society . . . [which] continues to exist to this day”. The “secret society” was the Round Table Group, later remodelled as the Royal Institute of International Affairs. Quigley himself found the Round Table project to turn the world into a stable Anglophone society “largely commendable”.

  Others have not been so kindly disposed. The John Birch Society, founded in 1958 by Robert Welch and named for an American pastor killed by Mao’s Reds, identified a Round Table Fifth Column in the US which sought nothing less than the wholesale abolition of the States. Funded by the Rockefellers/the Morgans/the Carnegies, these Anglophile Eastern “Insiders” operated through front organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilateral Commission and the Bilderberg Group. The 100,000-strong John Birch Society also identified a distinctly Red tinge to the Round Table plan. According to Birch author Gary Allen in None Dare Call It Conspiracy (1971), the deal being done was for a “powerful world socialist superstate”, even if it was being paid for by billionaires like David Rockefeller. Communism, says Allen, is “an arm” of the bigger Round Table conspiracy. The Birchers also took the long view back on the Round Table plot, past Rhodes to the Illuminati of 18th-century Germany.

  The Birchers were not alone in tracking those long roots. In New World Order (1990), William T. Still elucidated “the centuries-old plans of secret societies to wrench the Constitution from the citizens of the United States”. The Christian conspiracy theorist Pat Robertson traces the Round Table one-world plot right back to before the Tower of Babel, when one language united the world. Since Revelations foretells global government, it follows that the New World Order must be the Devil’s work. Literally.

  Since the Second World War, the Round Table plotters have found the ideal vehicle for their global desires: the United Nations. The UN runs a World Bank and an International Monetary Fund and promulgates its decisions through the World Court. It even has its own blue-hatted army, the UN “Peace Keepers”. The Gulf War, in the view of the anti-NWO brigades, was not about the freedom of Kuwait, it wasn’t even about oil, it was a military exercise to keep the blue-hats on their toes. The late Jim Keith apparently exposed secret UN bases in the US, full of troops just waiting for the signal to take over the country, and Keith’s keenest readers in the patriotic militias regularly spot Black Helicopters, using “back-engineered” alien technology, on surveillance missions against them.

  Truth to tell, the New World Order conspiracy is an ideological Statue of Liberty: it welcomes in any poor and huddled idea. Britain’s David Icke sees the shapeshifting reptiles of the British Royal Family as being behind the now. Lyndon LaRouche has the bad guys pegged as crypto-fascist synarchists influenced by . . . there’s no real end to who’s in on LaRouche’s plot.

  Time to row back towards the banks of reality. Quigley himself was seemingly embarrassed by the “Smoking Gun” he’d pointed at the Round Table Group and in private played it down. Do capitalists organize globally? Of course. Karl Marx noted the globalization of capitalism in the Communist Manifesto of 1848 – hence the need for “Workers of the World [to] Unite!” in response – and tracked the process minutely in the three volumes of Das Kapital. Fortunately cartels and forums, even the ones hosted by the Bilderberg Group or Le Cercle, are not equivalent to the secret back room where the Bushes and friends pull the strings of a puppet United Nations imagined by the NOW conspiracy believers.

  Funnily enough, the greatest fear of the John Birch Society, the patriotic militias and all is that the UN is going to remove the sovereignty of the US. Outside the fevered club of predominantly US right-wing websites dedicated to exposing the NWO, the big concern of the rest of th
e world is that it’s the US that’s taking over the UN The US’s big-guy-on-the-block “cajoling” to secure a UN mandate for Bush Jr’s invasion of Iraq is offered in evidence.

  The Bushes say the “New World Order” is the replacement of the “Axis of Evil” by American-type democracies. They might mean it. After the debacle of Iraq, however, it is doubtful they can achieve it.

  A secret cabal is manipulating the UN to secure one-world government: ALERT LEVEL 4

  Further Reading

  Gary Allen, None Dare Call It Conspiracy, 1971

  William Cooper, Behold a Pale Horse, 1989

  Jim Marrs, Rule by Secrecy, 2001

  Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, 1966

  Pat Robertson, The New World Order, 1991

  William T. Still, New World Order: The Ancient Plan of Secret Societies, 1990

  DOCUMENT: A SPEECH BY GEORGE H. W. BUSH, PRESIDENT OF THE US, GIVEN TO A JOINT SESSION OF THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS, WASHINGTON DC ON 11 SEPTEMBER 1990

  Mr President, Mr Speaker, members of the Congress, distinguished guests, fellow Americans, thank you very much for that warm welcome. We gather tonight, witness to events in the Persian Gulf as significant as they are tragic. In the early morning hours of 2 August, following negotiations and promises by Iraq’s dictator Saddam Hussein not to use force, a powerful Iraqi Army invaded its trusting and much weaker neighbor, Kuwait. Within three days, 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. It was then that I decided to act to check that aggression.

  [. . .]

  [I]f ever there was a time to put country before self and patriotism before party, the time is now. And let me thank all Americans, especially those in this chamber tonight, for your support for our armed forces and for their mission.

  That support will be even more important in the days to come.

  So tonight, I want to talk to you about what’s at stake – what we must do together to defend civilized values around the world and maintain our economic strength at home.

  Our objectives in the Persian Gulf are clear, our goals defined and familiar:

  Iraq must withdraw from Kuwait completely, immediately and without condition.

  Kuwait’s legitimate government must be restored.

  The security and stability of the Persian Gulf must be assured.

  And American citizens abroad must be protected.

  These goals are not ours alone. They’ve been endorsed by the UN Security Council five times in as many weeks. Most countries share our concern for principle, and many have a stake in the stability of the Persian Gulf. This is not, as Saddam Hussein would have it, the United States against Iraq. It is Iraq against the world.

  As you know, I’ve just returned from a very productive meeting with Soviet President [Mikhail] Gorbachev, and I am pleased that we are working together to build a new relationship. In Helsinki, our joint statement affirmed to the world our shared resolve to counter Iraq’s threat to peace. Let me quote: “We are united in the belief that Iraq’s aggression must not be tolerated. No peaceful international order is possible if larger states can devour their smaller neighbors.”

  Clearly, no longer can a dictator count on East-West confrontation to stymie concerted United Nations action against aggression.

  A new partnership of nations has begun, and we stand today at a unique and extraordinary moment. The crisis in the Persian Gulf, as grave as it is, also offers a rare opportunity to move toward an historic period of cooperation. Out of these troubled times, our fifth objective – a new world order – can emerge: a new era – freer from the threat of terror, stronger in the pursuit of justice and more secure in the quest for peace. An era in which the nations of the world, east and west, north and south, can prosper and live in harmony.

  A hundred generations have searched for this elusive path to peace, while a thousand wars raged across the span of human endeavor, and today that new world is struggling to be born. A world quite different from the one we’ve known. A world where the rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle. A world in which nations recognize the shared responsibility for freedom and justice. A world where the strong respect the rights of the weak.

  This is the vision that I shared with President Gorbachev in Helsinki. He and the other leaders from Europe, the Gulf and around the world understand that how we manage this crisis today could shape the future for generations to come.

  The test we face is great and so are the stakes. This is the first assault on the new world that we seek, the first test of our mettle. Had we not responded to this first provocation with clarity of purpose, if we do not continue to demonstrate our determination, it would be a signal to actual and potential despots around the world.

  America and the world must defend common vital interests. And we will.

  America and the world must support the rule of law. And we will.

  America and the world must stand up to aggression. And we will.

  And one thing more: in the pursuit of these goals, America will not be intimidated.

  Vital issues of principle are at stake. Saddam Hussein is literally trying to wipe a country off the face of the Earth.

  We do not exaggerate. Nor do we exaggerate when we say: Saddam Hussein will fail.

  Vital economic interests are at risk as well. Iraq itself controls some 10 per cent of the world’s proven oil reserves. Iraq plus Kuwait controls twice that. An Iraq permitted to swallow Kuwait would have the economic and military power, as well as the arrogance, to intimidate and coerce its neighbors – neighbors who control the lion’s share of the world’s remaining oil reserves. We cannot permit a resource so vital to be dominated by one so ruthless. And we won’t.

  Recent events have surely proven that there is no substitute for American leadership. In the face of tyranny, let no one doubt American credibility and reliability. Let no one doubt our staying power. We will stand by our friends. One way or another, the leader of Iraq must learn this fundamental truth.

  From the outset, acting hand-in-hand with others, we’ve sought to fashion the broadest possible international response to Iraq’s aggression. The level of world cooperation and condemnation of Iraq is unprecedented.

  Armed forces from countries spanning four continents are there at the request of King Fahd of Saudi Arabia to deter and, if need be, to defend against attack. Muslims and non-Muslims, Arabs and non-Arabs, soldiers from many nations, stand shoulder-to-shoulder, resolute against Saddam Hussein’s ambitions.

  And we can now point to five United Nations Security Council resolutions that condemn Iraq’s aggression. They call for Iraq’s immediate and unconditional withdrawal, the restoration of Kuwait’s legitimate government and categorically reject Iraq’s cynical and self-serving attempt to annex Kuwait.

  Finally, the United Nations has demanded the release of all foreign nationals held hostage against their will and in contravention of international law. It’s a mockery of human decency to call these people “guests”. They are hostages, and the whole world knows it.

  Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, a dependable ally, said it all: “We do not bargain over hostages. We will not stoop to the level of using human beings as bargaining [chips]. Ever.”

  Of course, of course, our hearts go out to the hostages, to their families. But our policy cannot change. And it will not change. America and the world will not be blackmailed by this ruthless policy.

  We’re now in sight of a United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders. We owe much to the outstanding leadership of Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar. The United Nations is backing up its words with action. The Security Council has imposed mandatory economic sanctions on Iraq, designed to force Iraq to relinquish the spoils of its illegal conquest. The Security Council has also taken the decisive step of authorizing the use of all means necessary to ensure compliance with these sanctions.

  Together with our friends and allies, ships of the United State
s Navy are today patrolling Mideast waters, and they’ve already intercepted more than 700 ships to enforce the sanctions. Three regional leaders I spoke with just yesterday told me that these sanctions are working. Iraq is feeling the heat.

  We continue to hope that Iraq’s leaders will recalculate just what their aggression has cost them. They are cut off from world trade, unable to sell their oil, and only a tiny fraction of goods gets through.

  The communique with President Gorbachev made mention of what happens when the embargo is so effective that children of Iraq literally need milk, or the sick truly need medicine. Then, under strict international supervision that guarantees the proper destination, then – food will be permitted.

  At home, the material cost of our leadership can be steep. And that’s why Secretary of State [James A.] Baker and Treasury Secretary [Nicholas F.] Brady have met with many world leaders to underscore that the burden of this collective effort must be shared. We’re prepared to do our share and more to help carry that load; we insist that others do their share as well.

  The response of most of our friends and allies has been good. To help defray costs, the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE [. . .] have pledged to provide our deployed troops with all the food and fuel they need. Generous assistance will also be provided to stalwart front-line nations, such as Turkey and Egypt.

  And I’m also heartened to report that this international response extends to the neediest victims of this conflict – those refugees. For our part, we have contributed $28 million for relief efforts. This is but a portion of what is needed. I commend, in particular, Saudi Arabia, Japan and several European nations who have joined us in this purely humanitarian effort.