Don't Hurt People and Don't Take Their Stuff: A Libertarian Manifesto

by Matt Kibbe

  In 1976, Reagan took on the GOP establishment again by challenging, and almost toppling President Gerald Ford at the Republican National Convention. Can you just imagine John McCain’s indignation, had he been a senior Republican senator serving at the time? “Who is this wacko bird?”

  Like Ronald Reagan in 1976, today we may have to beat the Republicans before we can beat the Democrats.

  A LONG-TERM RELATIONSHIP

  As I moved away from an academic career into public policy and politics in the late 1980s, I started to discover just how unusual it was to hear a politician speak, with credibility, about the simple values of freedom that I had long ago discovered inside the cover fold of the Rush album called 2112. In Washington, D.C., there are too few people willing to fight for the dignity of individual Americans, to stand unwaveringly by commonsense rules that say Don’t Hurt People and Don’t Take Their Stuff.

  So a little disruption of the status quo in Washington seems like the only reasonable thing to do. It seems crazy to do the same thing over and over and expect better results. It seems irrational to believe that the same closed, top-down leadership that got America into this mess offers any guidance on how to get America back on track toward more freedom and upward mobility and economic prosperity. It seems hopelessly naïve to think that the bipartisan collusion that continues to drive the growth of the national debt can now produce real solutions.

  So, if they won’t stand up, we should. Maybe it’s time to make a long-term commitment to each other, to take on the serial cheaters in Washington, D.C. A devoted relationship would be so much better. A lifetime dedication to a set of principles that doesn’t change based on the latest public opinion poll is just more satisfying, more fulfilling, more meaningful.

  So, it’s Them versus Us. There is no putting the genie back in the bottle; there’s no stopping the newly empowered grass roots from reclaiming their property rights in the American enterprise. When the dust settles, historians will write about this political realignment as a tipping point in America, a paradigm shift that changed the rules. They will write about the ways that America finally beat Washington.

  In markets, we now define our own experience online, relentlessly, even as savvy marketers attempt to influence our preferences. But regardless of how much they may know about our interests and habits, we still choose where to go, what to buy, and whom to ignore. Apply that same bottom-up independence to Washington insiders and the newly democratized political process and you can understand exactly why they are so totally, completely freaked out. They are freaking out because you know their number and the fixed rules of the game they are playing.

  Republicans still uncomfortable outside the protective shell of their navy Brooks Brothers blazers are struggling to catch the technology wave that is so ubiquitously returning power, and knowledge, to individual shareholders. I’ve struggled to explain this difference, because so many things sound the same in the wake of the 2012 elections. With so much talk about the need to “engage the grass roots,” “bridge the technology gap,” and build the ultimate “Big Data” set coming from each corner of the right-of-center coalition, it’s all getting jumbled together. From über-consultants like Karl Rove, to the dustiest of paper-churning think tanks, everyone is spouting the same talking points. The Republican National Committee even hired a chief technology officer (though only after the electoral drubbing of Mitt Romney).

  All of this is a blessing—an apparent rethinking of things that marks a critical reassessment of strategy and tactics among Republicans, conservatives, and libertarians. But these big “rethinks” are often one-dimensional. They get stuck on PR rehabilitation instead of serious self-reflection and a retooling of fundamentals. Remember the folks who tried to one-up Windows as a PC operating system when they could have been inventing the smartphone? Me neither. It goes to show, you can’t just do what someone else did because they did it and it worked for them.

  Shouldn’t our strategy do more than ape the Big Data strategy of radical progressives? Can we learn from the left’s effective use of mass personalization from the top down, and apply their technological savvy to a world that is becoming more decentralized, more democratized, and more free-to-choose?

  The difference between them and us is simple: We are always in it for the long haul. Our proposition, contra the typical political pickup lines, is for a long-term relationship—a true fidelity to certain values and an unwavering commitment to each other. Why? Because one-night stands never work out, and our individual liberties cannot be defended by a single act, or better-behaved politicians.

  We know that politicians respond to voter demand. Tangible expressions of consumer sentiment can also change the behavior of government bureaucrats, Republican precinct captains, members of school boards, and even Fortune 500 corporate CEOs. So, it is not enough to be steadfast to ideas. It is clearly never enough to show up once every couple of years on the first Tuesday in November. The days after Election Day matter more, because success at the ballot box can’t translate into good public policy without the consistent demands of a constituency for economic freedom. This is Public Choice 101. One-night stands may achieve electoral success, but politicians will cheat on you when left to their own devices once they get to Washington, D.C. There are just too many temptations there, too many offers they can’t refuse.

  MY NEW TATTOO

  I have a new tattoo. The idea came to me as I worked on this book, and the symbolism seemed important to me. You see, tattoos last forever. Tattoos are permanent, and if you are going to get one, you need to know what you’re doing. You have to be committed to it. You had better be in it for the long haul. Otherwise, don’t do it.

  I have a friend, Joel, who has become an integral part of the same growing community that I belong to, part of a new generation of citizen freedom fighters. Joel calls us the “Liberty Movement.” We have worked together on the ground in Ohio, organizing, fighting, sometimes winning. Joel is a small business guy—an entrepreneur—who owns and operates Marv’s Place with his wife, Danielle. He’s way too busy with his first responsibilities to his job and his family to be dedicating so much time to citizen activism. But he makes time.

  Although Joel was born with congenital scoliosis, a sideways curvature of the spine, and has endured years of surgeries and invasive medical procedures, he has never let it slow him down. In 2013, Joel finished in an astonishingly close second place for his local city council election, losing by just eleven votes to a former mayor with far more resources and far better political connections. He’s already planning for his next run.

  “Danielle and I live on a pretty limited income and have to watch what we spend,” Joel once told me. “As most couples do, we were discussing our bills, finances, and discretionary spending together and how I was spending quite a bit of time and money traveling to meetings and events. Danielle was worried about it, and asked me if we could afford all that I put into the fight for freedom.”

  “How can we can we afford not to?” Joel asked back.

  JOEL DECIDED TO GET the FreedomWorks star tattooed on his forearm. It’s kinda badass. And it tells me that Joel Davis is in it for the long haul.

  So, as I was writing my new book, I worked on new ink. Stealing inspiration from my friend Joel, the right tattoo seemed like a perfect metaphor for our fight to be free. It’s not a one-time thing. It will be there tomorrow, and next week, until the day I die.

  Early on in research for this book, I found a great little essay by “An American Guesser,” published in 1775. The real author is none other than Benjamin Franklin. If Thomas Jefferson was the idealist, and George Washington the leader, and James Madison the architect, Samuel Adams the community organizer, then Franklin would have been the Yoda of the founding generation. But he was also a journalist who had a way of translating deeply held values into a good story. This particular one is an allegory about the rattlesnake.

  I recollected that her eye excelled in brightness, that of a
ny other animal, and that she has no eye-lids. She may therefore be esteemed an emblem of vigilance. She never begins an attack, nor, when once engaged, ever surrenders: She is therefore an emblem of magnanimity and true courage. As if anxious to prevent all pretensions of quarreling with her, the weapons with which nature has furnished her, she conceals in the roof of her mouth, so that, to those who are unacquainted with her, she appears to be a most defenseless animal; and even when those weapons are shown and extended for her defense, they appear weak and contemptible; but their wounds however small, are decisive and fatal. Conscious of this, she never wounds ’till she has generously given notice, even to her enemy, and cautioned him against the danger of treading on her.9

  Franklin believed that the rattlesnake reflected “a strong picture of the temper and conduct of America.” Mind your own business. Don’t hurt others. If attacked, never back down. Fight the power when tread upon.

  ‘Tis curious and amazing to observe how distinct and independent of each other the rattles of this animal are, and yet how firmly they are united together, so as never to be separated but by breaking them to pieces. One of those rattles singly, is incapable of producing sound, but the ringing of thirteen together, is sufficient to alarm the boldest man living.

  Franklin, speaking to Americans struggling to come together in common purpose against a grave external threat, anticipates the profound strength of closely knit communities that respect the individual rights of their constituent members. Together, in voluntary association, we can accomplish great things.

  The Rattle-Snake is solitary, and associates with her kind only when it is necessary for their preservation. In winter, the warmth of a number together will preserve their lives, while singly, they would probably perish. The power of fascination attributed to her, by a generous construction, may be understood to mean, that those who consider the liberty and blessings which America affords, and once come over to her, never afterwards leave her, but spend their lives with her.

  As you may have guessed, my new tattoo is a rattlesnake. It says “Join, Or Die.”

  Like Joel, and many millions of other newly engaged Americans, I’m all in. Ben Franklin and his partners in liberty were all in too. They bet it all on an idea. An idea few “experts” believed would work. They signed their “John Hancock” on that parchment in defense of the idea that individuals are free, that free individuals do not serve government ends, and that governments exist only to the extent that we the stakeholders permit it so.

  “That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed . . .”

  George Washington, in his inaugural proposal to each of us, offered that “[t]he preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.”

  He was seeking your hand in a long-term relationship, right? He was asking us all to choose the burden of commitment, with full knowledge that it wouldn’t always be easy, that the weight of responsibility for a successful relationship falls on your shoulders first.

  The fight for liberty is a burden that requires eternal vigilance. You have to work at it. You will be there, for liberty, in good times and in bad. Even if the IRS targets your efforts to gather your neighbors in peaceful protest, or punishes you for petitioning your government representatives for a redress of grievances. Some extraordinary soul might have to commit to keep speaking out for equal treatment under the law even when faceless, gray-suited bureaucrats imbedded deep within the FBI deem you “the most dangerous negro in America.” You might be targeted, simply because you stood up and spoke out, calling for all Americans to be judged based on the content of their character. You too may have to pledge everything, including your life, your fortune, and your honor.

  Our fight, unlike politics, is all about the long term. Can we continue to build community that will be there for the long haul? Can we come together as a beautiful mess of individual aspirations bonded by a shared set of values.

  New technologies and the decentralization of news and information are shifting power away from Washington insiders to citizens, and this paradigm shift is in direct conflict with Beltway efforts to reconsolidate power and control information and behavior, from the top down. But try as they might, I don’t think they can stop us from reclaiming what is rightfully ours.

  Isn’t this exactly the American way? Bottom-up governance based on the rule of law, originating from engaged, ever-vigilant citizens, channeled through an accountable legislature, to the chief executive’s desk. We are the shareholders. We don’t believe in czars, governance by midnight order, or the expansive power of the executive branch. It doesn’t matter who the president may be. He or she will always report to us.

  The weight of liberty is a burden. It’s a lifetime commitment. But the upside is so awesome.

  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

  ON SEPTEMBER 4, 2012, I was met in my office by an armed guard. “Who are you?” I asked. “Do you work for FreedomWorks?” He refused to identify himself, and I refused to hand over my iPhone. With that, Executive Vice President Adam Brandon and I were perp-walked out of FreedomWorks headquarters.

  Thus began the seventy-two-hour occupation of FreedomWorks, a surreal hostile takeover bid by three Board members with close ties to the GOP establishment. I did not see this coming—I should have—and we all paid a price for that.

  As political intrigue, this bizarre, House of Cards–like episode was probably quite typical: it was all about personal betrayal, money, and power. What was anything but typical, particularly in Washington, D.C., was the ironclad unity of the FreedomWorks “family,” without which this book, or the continued existence of our organization, would not have been possible.

  It might have been easier to back down, to walk away, but I was bucked up by the unbending commitment of my colleagues and eight steadfast members of our Board of Directors. The “family” stood together, even as many of them were fired, sometimes multiple times. What an honor it is to work with such people.

  Others that did not need to stand with us did so without hesitation. My friend Glenn Beck was one, but there were many others who took a stand, and a few bullets, in this fight for the heart and soul of FreedomWorks.

  Equally important, of course, is the resolute dedication of the grassroots community we serve. They set the bar and represent an existential threat to the D.C. power structure, and the establishment knows it. The community’s resolve in the face of all the adversity, the long odds, and way too much “friendly” fire, is inspirational. I think we are all figuring out the rules of the game together. Knowing is liberating, even when knowledge comes at a premium.

  The attempted coup was the fire that ignited the writing of this book, based on the theory that things that don’t kill you can make you stronger. I think that’s true. As I have before, I fed off of the insights of the late, great moral philosopher Warren Zevon. “I’ll sleep when I’m dead,” he once sang.

  Mostly, and for everything that is important in my life, my Unmoved Motivator is my awesome wife and partner in life, Terry. This book, and most things, would not have happened without her. She keeps me straight, focused, and usually headed in the right direction. Despite this daunting challenge, Terry still hasn’t given up on me after twenty-seven years. It may be too late to get out now, Mama Bear.

  For this project there were a number of people essential to its success. Peter Hubbard at HarperCollins was an unwavering and reliable hand guiding Don’t Hurt People from concept to publication. He was a champion of the project from day one. This is the third book we have worked on together, and it’s always a great experience.

  My coauthor, Roark the Cat.

  Senators Mike Lee, Rand Paul, and Ted Cruz all took time out of their insanely busy schedules to talk to me. So did Representatives Justin Amash, Thomas Massie, and David Schw
eikert. It is great, and somewhat disorienting, to have so many principled politicians that I might have included in this book, but these six were the obvious best choices. None of them, of course, are responsible for the crazy rantings in this book, except where they are directly quoted.

  Joel Davis, unrelenting fighter for liberty, took time to retell his story for me. We are currently conspiring over the next tattoo.

  Adam Brandon was a key player as well, at least when he wasn’t getting fired. He would agree to unreasonable deadlines and then hand it off to me. He does that best. We are working on his grasp of the economic concept of opportunity cost: If you do this, you can’t do that.

  Logan Albright contributed substantial research during the writing of this book, and served as traffic cop for all of the various inputs. Wayne Brough and Reid Smith also contributed. Laura Howd ensured that the trains ran on time and deadlines were met. Logan organized all citations and made sure the footnotes were in proper form, which was a daunting task. Laura, Josh Withrow, Dean Clancy, Emilia Huneke-Bergquist, Jackie Bodnar, Easton Randall, Andrew Smith, Parissa Sedghi, Kara Pally, and Christine Domenech all read the final manuscript for mistakes, catching many. Any remaining ones are mine, of course.

  As he did during the writing marathons for Give Us Liberty and Hostile Takeover, Roark the cat played a key role as a calm presence, chooser of music, and random, but critical, keyboard adjustments. Some of his preferred settings on my iMac appear to be permanent. It was his idea to include so much Ayn Rand in Don’t Hurt People, although the one Howard Roark quote somehow ended up on the cutting-room floor. He must have been napping.