Revelation of the Magi: The Lost Tale of the Wise Men's Journey to Bethlehem

by Brent Landau

  James, M. R. Latin Infancy Gospels. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1927. Latin texts of two major witnesses to Infancy Gospel X. It includes an English translation of the Magi episode.

  McNamara, M., et al. Apocrypha Hiberniae I: Evangelia Infantiae. Corpus Christianorum Series Apocryphorum 13–14. 2 vols. Turnhout: Brepols, 2001. Old Irish text and English translation of another major witness to Infancy Gospel X.

  Migne, J.-P. “Liber apocryphus nomine Seth.” Columns 637–638 in volume 56 of Patrologia Graeca. 162 volumes.Bibliography

  Paris: Imprimerie Catholique, 1857–86. A very important secondary witness to the Revelation of the Magi; a summary of the narrative from the fifth-century Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum.

  Roberts, A., and J. Donaldson. “The Arabic Gospel of the Infancy of Our Savior.” In The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 8: 405–15. 10 vols. 1885–87. Reprint, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994. Apocryphal Infancy Gospel in which the Magi learn about Christ’s birth through a prophecy of Zoroaster.

  _____ “Narrative of Events Happening in Persia on the Birth of Christ.” In The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 6:128–30. 10 vols. 1885–87. Reprint, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994. An apocryphal writing in which the Magi figure heavily; also known as the Legend of Aphroditianus.

  Ryan, W. G. Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1993. An English translation of a medieval collection of Christian legends. It utilizes the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum for its information on the Magi.

  Tullberg, O. F. Dionysii Telmahharensis Chronici liber primus. Textum e codice ms. Syriaco Bibliothecae Vaticanae. Uppsala: Regiae Academiae Typographi, 1850. First critical edition of the Syriac text of the Chronicle of Zuqnin.

  Wright, W. “Eusebius of Caesarea on the Star.” Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record 9 (1866): 117–136; 10 (1867): 150–164. Another Syriac legend of the Magi in which they expect the coming of the star, though here it is Balaam and not Seth who is the originator of the prophecy.Bibliography

  MODERN SOURCES

  Allison, D. C. “The Magi’s Angel (2:2, 9–10).” In Studies in Matthew: Interpretation Past and Present, 17–41. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2005. Overview of ancient Christian understandings of the Star of Bethlehem.

  Boyce, M., and F. Grenet. Zoroastrianism Under Macedonian and Roman Rule. Vol. 3 of A History of Zoroastrianism. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1991. Discusses the Revelation of the Magi and other early Christian interpretations of the Magi story.

  Brock, S. P. “An Archaic Syriac Prayer over Baptismal Oil.” In Studia Patristica: Papers Presented at the Fourteenth International Congress on Patristic Studies Held in Oxford 2003, edited by F. Young, M. Edwards, and P. Parvis, 3–12. Leuven: Peeters, 2006. Examines the Apostle Thomas’s baptismal prayer in the Revelation of the Magi, and concludes (independently of my own research) that it dates to the time of the Acts of Thomas.

  Brown, R. E. The Birth of the Messiah: A Commentary on the Infancy Narratives in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. 2nd ed. New York: Doubleday, 1993. The premier scholarly commentary on the canonical infancy narratives.

  Denzey, N. F. “A New Star on the Horizon: Astral Christologies and Stellar Debates in Early Christian Discourse.” In Prayer, Magic, and the Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World, edited by S. Noegel, J. Walker, and B. Wheeler, 207–21. University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 2003. Examines the function of the Star of Bethlehem in early Christian debates about astrology.

  Duchesne-Guillemin, J. “The Wise Men from the East in the Western Tradition.” In Papers in Honour of Professor Mary Boyce, edited by J. Duchesne-Guillemin and P. Lecoq, 1:149–57. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1985. Interprets the Adoration of the Magi from the Cloisters Museum (see page 51).

  Foster, P. “Polymorphic Christology: Its Origins and Development in Early Christianity.” Journal of Theological Studies 58 (2007): 66–99. An overview of early Christian texts that present Christ as capable of appearing in multiple forms.

  Hultgard, A. “The Magi and the Star: The Persian Background in Texts and Iconography.” In “Being Religious and Living Through the Eyes”: Studies in Religious Iconography and Iconology, edited by P. Schalk and M. Stausberg, 215–25. Uppsala: Uppsala Univ. Library, 1998. Summarizes scholarly research on the Revelation of the Magi that argues for or against an Iranian origin of the text.

  Kaestli, J.-D. “Recherches nouvelles sur les ‘Évangiles latins de l’enfance’ de M. R. James et sur un récit apocryphe mal connu de la naissance de Jésus.” Études Théologiques et Religieuses 72 (1997): 219–233. Argues that Infancy Gospel X is possibly the oldest apocryphal Infancy Gospel, even older than the Protevangelium of James.

  Kehl, A. “Der Stern der Magier: Zu §94 des lateinischen Kindheitsevangeliums der Arundel-Handschrift.” Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 18 (1975): 69–80. Compares the Revelation of the Magi to the Magi episode from a Latin witness to Infancy Gospel X.

  Kehrer, H. Die Heiligen Drei Könige in Literatur und Kunst. 2 vols. Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1908. Foundational study of the iconography of the Magi, from early through medieval Christianity.

  Landau, B. C. “'One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty': Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Syriac Revelation of the Magi.” In Proceedings of Late Antique Crossroads in the Levant Research Colloquium, edited by E. B. Aitken and J. M. Fossey. Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming. Examines the unusual beliefs of the Revelation of the Magi concerning Christology, revelation, and mission.

  ____"The Revelation of the Magi in the Chronicle of Zuqnin.“ Apocrypha 19 (2008): 182–201. Introduces the major scholarly issues regarding the Revelation of the Magi.

  ____ The Sages and the Star-Child: An Introduction

  to the Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon. Th.D diss., Harvard Divinity School, 2008. First translation and major scholarly study of the Revelation of the Magi in English. Accessible online at http://ou.academia.edu/BrentLandau/Papers.

  . “The Unknown Apostle: A Pauline Agraphon

  in Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis.” Annali di Storia dell’Esegesis 25 (2008): 117–27. Interpretation of a “quotation” of the Apostle Paul asserting pagan foreknowledge of Christ’s coming.

  Luz, U. Matthew 1–7. Hermeneia: A Critical and Historical Commentary on the Bible. Edited by H. Koester. Translated by J. E. Crouch. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007. The most recent major commentary on Matthew, emphasizing the history of interpretation of the Magi story.

  Monneret de Villard, U. Le leggende orientali sui Magi evangelici. Studi e Testi 163. Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1952. A thorough overview of eastern Christian legends about the Magi. It includes an Italian translation and analysis of the Revelation of the Magi.

  Reed, A. Y. “Beyond the Land of Nod: Syriac Images of Asia and the Historiography of the West.” History of Religions 49 (2009): 48–87. Discusses the Revelation of the Magi as one of several examples of Syriac Christian imaginings of China.

  Reinick, G. J. “Das Land ‘Seiris’ (Šir) und das Volk der Serer in jüdischen und christlichen Traditionen.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 6 (1975): 72–85. Studies ancient Greek, Roman, Jewish, and Christian beliefs about the land of Shir and its inhabitants.

  Screech, M. A. “The Magi and the Star (Matthew, 2).” In Histoire de l’exégèse au XVIe siècle, edited by O. Fatio and P. Fraenkel, 385–409. Geneva: Droz, 1978. Examines the influence of the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum on medieval and Renaissance views of the Magi.

  Trexler, R. C. The Journey of the Magi: Meanings in History of a Christian Story. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1997. An overview of the history of interpretation of Magi story, emphasizing its political dimensions.

  Tubach, J. “Der Apostel Thomas in China: Die Herkunft einer Tradition.” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 108 (1997): 58–74. Examines traditions that the Apostle Thomas visited China as a missionary.

 
Widengren, G. Iranisch-semitische Kulturbegegnung in parthischer Zeit. Cologne and Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1960. First in this author’s series of publications that claim an Iranian origin for the Revelation of the Magi.

  ____. Die Religionen Irans. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1965.

  ____ Les religions de l’Iran. Paris: Payot, 1968.

  Witakowski, W. “The Magi in Syriac Tradition.” In Malphono w-Rabo d-Malphone: Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock, edited by G. A. Kiraz, 809–43. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2008. Examines Syriac interpretations of the Magi story, with special emphasis on the Revelation of the Magi.

  ____. The Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre: A Study in the History of Historiography. Uppsala: Uppsala Univ. Press, 1987. Studies the historiographical methods used by the author of the Chronicle of Zuqnin.

  CONCLUSION

  The Meanings of the

  “Revelation of the Magi”

  What are the most important things we learn from the Revelation of the Magi? Is it merely a colorful and captivating piece of fiction? Or does it tell us anything about the Magi and the Christmas story that we wouldn’t otherwise know? What might be the broader significance of this ancient tale—not just for scholars who specialize in early Christianity, but for a wide range of lay readers as well?

  Two points especially come to mind. First, the Revelation of the Magi is an outstanding example of how much influence writings outside of the Bible can have on our conceptions of biblical texts, people, and events. Of course, some readers may deny that their understandings of the Bible are determined by anything other than the Bible itself. But to illustrate how apocryphal writingscan shape our views of biblical stories, I’d like you to ask yourself this question: in the Christmas story, how do Mary and Joseph get to Bethlehem?

  I would imagine that many of you said that they used a donkey. Indeed, some of you may have been more specific: that Mary rode the donkey while Joseph walked. But take a look at Luke 2:1–7, the most famous account of the Christmas story and of the census that brought Mary and Joseph to Bethlehem.

  In those days a decree went out from Emperor Augustus that all the world should be registered. This was the first registration and was taken while Quirinius was governor of Syria. All went to their own towns to be registered. Joseph also went from the town of Nazareth in Galilee to Judea, to the city of David called Bethlehem, because he was descended from the house and family of David. He went to be registered with Mary, to whom he was engaged and who was expecting a child. While they were there, the time came for her to deliver her child. And she gave birth to her firstborn son and wrapped him in bands of cloth, and laid him in a manger, because there was no place for them in the inn.

  Do you see the familiar donkey mentioned anywhere? Why isn’t it mentioned? The reality is that although it has become common knowledge that Mary and Joseph used a donkey to get to Bethlehem, this information isn’t found anywhere in Luke or, in fact, in the rest of the Bible.

  The famous donkey first appears in the Protevangelium of James, a second-century apocryphal Infancy Gospel. Here is what that writing says:

  He [i.e., Joseph] saddled the donkey and seated her [i.e., Mary] on it; and his son led it along, while Joseph followed behind. (Protevangelium of James 17:2)

  From its debut in the Protevangelium, the donkey appeared in other ancient retellings of the Christmas story, and from there to Christmas pageants, greeting cards, carols, and so forth—despite its never being mentioned at all in the Bible! Might the Revelation of the Magi, like the Protevangelium, also have elements that have influenced our understanding of the Christmas story?

  To my knowledge, there is nothing in the Revelation of the Magi that has filtered into the version of the Christmas story that we know today, certainly not like the donkey has. Yet the Revelation of the Magi has not always been as invisible as it is now. In fact, for European Christians in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, this story had an immense influence.

  How did the Revelation of the Magi, an ancient Syriac writing, become such a powerful influence in medieval and Renaissance Europe? Recall that in the introduction, I mentioned a summary of the Revelation of the Magi found in the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum, a fifth-century Latin commentary on the Gospel of Matthew. When I discussed it before, its significance was as a key witness to the Revelation of the Magi, helping us to learn how old the text actually might be. But my very brief mention of the Opus Imperfectum does not do justice to how influential this text became in the centuries after which it was composed.

  We don’t know who wrote the Opus Imperfectum; all we can infer is that it was written in the fifth century and that the author lived somewhere close to the great city of Constantinople. But for reasons unknown, it became incorrectly attributed to Saint John Chrysostom, a major Christian thinker and bishop in fourth-century Antioch. Because it was believed to have been penned by Chrysostom, the Opus Imperfectum continued to be copied and read throughout medieval Europe.

  And this meant that its legend about the Magi also entered the world of medieval Christianity. Several pieces of artwork are reproduced in this book that show unquestionable influence from the Revelation of the Magi. Consider the two paintings associated with Rogier van der Weyden and his school, which today reside in the Gemäldegalerie in Berlin and the Cloisters Museum in New York, respectively (see frontispiece and page 51). In each of these, the three Magi stand in awe of the Christ child, who prominently hovers above them in the form of a star! As I said in the introduction, the Revelation of the Magi is the only ancient Christian text to identify the Star of Bethlehem with the celestial Christ himself, which makes it virtually certain that this legend is the source of these paintings. Further details confirm this. Behind the Magi stands their sacred mountain, the Mountain of Victories. And in the Cloisters painting, the Magi again appear in the background, immersing themselves in their Spring of Purification. The influence of the Revelation of the Magi is also evident in the depictions of the Magi found in manuscripts and printed books of the Speculum Humanae Salvationis (Mirror of Human Salvation), an immensely popular devotional writing of the fourteenth century (see Speculum Humanae Salvationis on pages 40 and 41).

  Apart from inspiring artistic representations of the Magi, this legend also captivated Christian thinkers as distinguished as Saint Thomas Aquinas. In the Summa Theologica, his greatest work, Aquinas uses the Revelation of the Magi as evidence that the Star of Bethlehem was a clear and unmistakable way for God to tell human beings about the birth of Christ. Even if the meaning of the star wasn’t obvious to everyone, it certainly was to the Magi, who knew about its coming through Seth’s books of revelation and were waiting attentively for it.295

  The Revelation of the Magi even influenced the way explorers of the New World understood the indigenous cultures they encountered (see Adoration of the Magi on page 95). Two examples will suffice. First, there is the seventeenth-century Augustinian monk Antonio de la Calancha, who studied the Incan culture of Peru. He was impressed by the similarities between Andean traditional religion and Christianity, and he believed that the Apostle Thomas and the Magi must have missionized the region together, just as the Opus Imperfectum indicated.296 Second, the Franciscan missionary and historian Juan de Torquemada described the belief among some of the Aztecs that the conquistador Cortés was the god Quetzalcoatl with recourse to this legend. Just as the Magi had stood atop the Mountain of Victories awaiting the fulfillment of their prophecy, Torquemada notes, so, too, did the Aztecs anxiously await the foretold return of Quetzalcoatl, and were all too willing to accept Cortés as the returned Quetzalcoatl when Spanish ships appeared off the Mexican coast.

  Vasco Fernandes (ca. 1480–ca. 1543) Adoration of the Magi. Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon, Portugal. Photo Credit : Scala/White Images/Art Resource, NYT8829

  Adoration of the Magi, attributed to Vasco Fernandes, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon, Portugal. This early-sixteenth-century painting repr
esents one of the three Magi as a Native American. Both the biblical story of the Magi and the Revelation of the Magi influenced the ways in which explorers of the New World interpreted indigenous cultures of the Americas.

  So the legend found in the Revelation of the Magi was demonstrably important for Christians in Europe half a millennium ago. And it is a powerful example of the way that an apocryphal writing can strongly influence understandings of biblical events, even if it does not figure into the portrayal of the “Wise Men” in the Christmas story as we know it today.

  But as my second and final remark, I want to suggest a different reason that the Revelation of the Magi may be especially relevant for today’s world. Speaking for a moment as a theologian rather than a historian, I think that the most important thing about the Revelation of the Magi may not be what it says about the Magi, but what it says about Christ.

  Recall that in the introduction I asked the question of why the Revelation of the Magi has been so neglected by modern scholars of early Christianity that it has only now been translated into English. The answer I gave there was that it had the misfortune of being preserved in a language few scholars knew, and of being part of not one but two neglected spheres of early Christian literature— stories about Jesus’s birth, and writings that were not included in the New Testament.