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Are We Boiling Frogs?

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  broadcaster and Times columnist David Aaranovitch wrote:

  “......belief in the conspiracy makes you part of

  a genuinely heroic elite group who can see

  past the official version duplicated for the

  benefit of the lazy or inert mass of people by

  the powers that be. There will usually be an

  emphasis on the special quality of thought

  required to appreciate the existence of the

  conspiracy. The conspiracists have cracked

  the code, not least because of their possession

  of an unusual and perceptive way of looking

  at things. Those who cannot or will not see the

  truth are variously described as robots or,

  latterly, as sheeple — citizens who shuffle

  half-awake through their conventional lives.”

  Is Aaranovitch right? Are the conspiracists driven by a sense

  of intellectual superiority? Does this explain their rejection of

  our concept of reality?

  In the course of researching this book, I have met with many

  conspiracy theorists. There is no single personality 'type' that

  I could identify. These people seem to encompass all ages,

  ethnicities, sexual orientations, disabilities and genders.

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  They appear to represent a wide cross section of the political,

  social, economic and academic spectrum.

  Some presented as arrogant, but no more so than you might

  expect from any other social group. Many vehemently reject

  the term 'conspiracy theorist.' Claiming it is used purely to

  marginalise them and silence any debate of the ideas they

  expound. Others seem less concerned.

  I fully concede my opinion here isn't based upon anything

  like a controlled scientific study. It is simply a result of my

  wholly unscientific experience. However, I could not identify

  the unified sense of superiority that Aaranovitch suggests.

  Academia has also had a stab at figuring out why people

  believe conspiracy theories. Jan-Willem van Prooijen,

  associate professor in social and organizational psychology

  at VU University Amsterdam, published his finding following

  a 6yr study into the subject. Prooijen claimed to identify two

  primary motivators that drive their beliefs. 'Fear and

  uncertainty' and 'a sense of control.'

  He noted that conspiracy theories tend to proliferate during

  times of 'uncertainty and fear.' He cited examples of terrorist

  attacks, financial crisis, natural disasters and so on.

  Prooijen considered the fear and sense of helplessness,

  engendered by such events, makes people more likely to seek

  any explanation to account for their feelings. He wrote:

  “The sense-making leads them to connect dots

  that aren’t necessarily connected in reality,”

  Whilst that may be the case, it doesn't really explain why

  many of these beliefs both precede and persist beyond the

  aftermath of traumatic world events. One might also

  consider, for many conspiracy theorists, traumatic world

  events are the core foundation of their beliefs. So it is

  perhaps not surprising their voices are heard more loudly

  when they occur.

  Again Prooijen, like Aaranovitch, identifies a degree of

  possible arrogance as a potential contributory factor. His

  team split a sample group into two, giving one half an

  exercise to undermine self-confidence, the other a confidence

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  building task. They then asked both groups to consider a

  particular Dutch conspiracy theory about the possible

  deliberate destruction of people’s homes for corporate profit.

  Their evidence showed the more confident group were more

  likely to believe theory.

  Conspiracy theorists say that science is no less corruptible

  than any other human endeavour. Indeed, one of their oft

  stated gripes about the rest of us is that, as a society, we

  either cherry pick evidence to support our existing beliefs,

  completely disregard it, or refuse to look at evidence we don't

  agree with. This is almost exactly the same accusation the

  rest of us level against them. We can't both be right. Can we?

  So we are going to explore the basis for their 'wacky' theories

  in relation to the 9/11 and 7/7 terrorist attacks. If

  examining the proof they claim to back up their position

  confirms our suspicions that they are deluded, at least it will

  enable us to better refute their arguments. If we can't even

  be bothered to consider their evidence, we don't really have a

  leg to stand on.

  Before we do, I just want to clarify some common ground

  that I share with many of the conspiracy theorists I spoke

  with.

  Firstly the scientific method, the basis for empirical science,

  is not disputed. I agree that an observation can prompt a

  question. This question can be researched and a hypothesis,

  tentatively accounting for the observation, can be made.

  Ideally this hypothesis will then be tested through

  experimentation to see if it is valid. If any evidence emerges

  that disproves the hypothesis then, logically, the hypothesis

  cannot be considered to be substantive, because there is

  evidence it isn't. If it is not possible to disprove the

  hypothesis, then it may well be considered a theory.

  Before any idea can be accepted as a theory it must pass

  rigorous checks. If the experiments are repeatable, if the

  evidence is corroborated, no matter who undertakes the

  study or conducts the experiment, regardless of where and

  when; if the results or findings consistently support the

  proposition then, in the absence of any contradictory

  evidence, we may accept the hypothesis has become a

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  theory. Simply put, a theory only exists if the evidence

  supports it. If it doesn't, it remains little more than an

  unsubstantiated belief.

  The process of checking the evidence that supports or

  undermines a hypothesis, the cross-referencing of data and

  analysis of experimentation by suitably qualified people, is

  vital. This is ostensibly the 'peer review process.'

  I agree that a published paper, having undergone the peer

  review process, carries more weight than one that hasn't.

  However, refusals to publish papers for peer review should

  also be noted. If there is resistance to test, or even consider

  evidence, we must ask why. If the hypothesis is simply

  dismissed without any attempt to logically disprove it or

  scrutinise the evidence offered, then it stands unchallenged.

  It isn't proven but nor is it invalidated. I accept that

  exclusion from the peer review process indicates nothing

  other than an illogical veto on further inquiry.

  If experimentation isn't feasible, such as in the case of most

  historical analysis, it is still possible to move a hypothesis to

  a theory through the systematic cross-referencing of

  evidence, the use of verifiable sources and the peer review

  process.

  Primary ev
idence comes in two forms. Firstly we have

  'material evidence' such as physical remains, soil samples,

  objects etc. Then there's 'written evidence' such as first-hand

  witness statements, contemporaneous documents, official

  reports and so forth. When we are considering relatively

  recent events, unedited footage showing what happened

  could be considered 'material evidence,' whilst a filmed

  interview with a survivor could be seen as 'written evidence.'

  Secondary evidence is corroboration of the existence of

  primary evidence. For example, a peer reviewed paper on the

  use of biological weapons during the Vietnam War is strong

  secondary evidence of biological warfare. An article in the

  Washington Post, on the same subject, is less convincing. It

  may be considered secondary evidence but its objectivity is

  more questionable.

  When assessing the value of any evidence it is important to

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  consider the possible agenda of the individual or group who

  may have produced it. Especially when considering if a

  source is 'reliable.' A peer reviewed scientific paper into the

  effects of smoking could be considered evidence from a

  reliable source. However, if you subsequently discover the

  research team behind it were funded by a tobacco company,

  its credibility becomes doubtful. Establishing independence

  is important.

  Conspiracy types frequently offer theories about world events

  which they ask the rest of us to believe. When we don't,

  because it makes no sense, they often accuse us of ignoring

  the facts.

  The definition of a fact is:

  “A thing that is known or proved to be true.”

  So before we accept their 'facts,' we need to see some 'proof.'

  If that proof meets the evidential standards we've discussed,

  we can accept it as a 'fact.'

  This does not mean that facts remain unchallenged. As new

  evidence emerges, the evidential basis changes. So facts are

  not considered immutable. They are logical conclusions

  drawn from current evidence.

  While that evidence endures, so do the facts. Facts can only

  change when hitherto unknown evidence disproves them.

  Without supporting proof, there can be no subsequent fact.

  ***********************

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  Chapter 2

  Who Are The Conspiracy Theorists?

  Working diligently in his office, in the late 1980s,

  Tim Berners Lee was trying to solve a puzzle. He had all the

  pieces. The transmission control protocol and domain name

  system for identifying computer networks (TCP/IP); the

  'Internet' of connected computer networks like the NPL

  network, ARPANET and CYCLADES and hypertext, such as

  Aspen Movie Map. He even had his own hypertext system

  called ENQUIRE, which he’d developed earlier in his career.

  His problem was, as a contractor for CERN (the 'Conseil

  Européen pour la Recherche Nucléaire' or 'European

  Organization for Nuclear Research'), he needed to be able to

  openly share his own and his colleagues work with other

  researchers, across the globe, quickly and effectively.

  What Berners Lee did next literally changed the world,

  though he didn't know it at the time. He brought all the

  strands together, produced his hypertext markup language

  (HTML,) and proposed a browser based, interconnected,

  computer communication system. Today we call this the

  'World Wide Web' and the Internet wouldn't exist without it.

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  Lee's brilliance shouldn't be underestimated but, essentially,

  he 'joined the dots' and came up with a single, cohesive

  answer to a question.

  Without the Internet, as we know it today, it is unlikely that

  conspiracy theories would have risen to their current

  prominence. Of all the amazing advances brought about by

  our ability to communicate and share information

  instantaneously across the planet, increased awareness of

  'conspiracy theories' isn't generally considered one of them.

  Most of us think it unlikely that a bunch of sci-fi addicted,

  pot smoking, heavy breathers, randomly mixing Vedic

  mythology with amateurish political analysis and a

  persecution complex, will produce a meaningful paradigm.

  This is not a description, I hasten to add, the conspiracists

  accept, as they eagerly await the forthcoming 'paradigm

  shift.'

  So is this image of the troglodyte geek, sitting in the red eyed

  glow of their computer screen, making up connections and

  evidence to suit their own predetermined world view,

  accurate? For us to make such claims we have to

  demonstrate good reason.

  If we rely upon assumption and poorly evidenced opinion for

  our own rebuttal of conspiracy theorists ideas, they would be

  justified in claiming that it is us, not them, who have fallen

  into the trap of intellectual laziness. If we value objectivity,

  we need to look beyond the stereotypes and take a hard look

  at the reality.

  Writing in the UK broadsheet newspaper The Guardian,

  political theorist and historian Dr Hugo Drochon[1] has

  offered his opinion on the matter[2]. He states:

  'You can find conspiracy theorists across all

  walks of life – and yet certain stereotypes

  remain, and refuse to be disproved: white

  middle-aged men who have lower

  educational qualifications and are

  unemployed are still most likely to be

  conspiracy theorists.'

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  What is the data analysis Dr Drochon uses to support his

  conclusion about whom the conspiracy theorists are? He

  doesn't reveal this in the article, so we can only look at the

  demographic studies that do attempt to define the

  conspiracy theorist diaspora.

  Political scientists Joseph Uscinski and Joseph Parent wrote

  a book on the subject.[3] Rather than simply ask people if

  they thought the Earth was flat, or if 9/11 was a Jewish plot

  to enslave humanity, Uscinski and Parent conducted a large

  scale survey seeking to identify 'conspiratorial thinking.'

  They set a series of statements that required respondents to

  indicate their level of agreement or disagreement. These

  included, for example, “Much of our lives are being controlled

  by plots hatched in secret places,” and “The people who really

  'run' the country are not known to the voters.” The pair then

  analysed their results to identify those most likely to be

  conspiracy believers and to gain a measurable insight into

  who these people were.

  Women were just as likely to be conspiracy theorists as men.

  Black and Hispanic people represented the ethnic groups

  most likely to believe the theories. Conspiracy theorists, in

  keeping with the general population, came predominantly

  from outside of academia but a notable 23% were University

  educated.

  What surprised Usc
inski and Parent the most was that

  conspiracists couldn't easily be categorized by ideology.

  Liberal and conservative, socialist and capitalist, Democrat

  and Republican were all equally likely to be conspiracy

  believers. They did find 'independents' had an increased

  propensity to believe but, whilst statistically notable (and

  perhaps not entirely unexpected,) it didn't amount to a clear

  ideological predisposition.

  However, they did find a statistical link to age. Those borne

  in the late '60s to early '80s (Generation X) were statistically

  the most likely to be 'truthers.' When the scientists tried to

  account for this they recognised that this was the generation

  who had developed their political sensibilities during a

  period characterised by conspiracies that were subsequently

  proven to be true.

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  A Dangerous Ideology

  “Every age sees scandals, but Gen X’ers

  grew up in a somewhat anomalous age of

  less innocence: in the wake of shocking

  assassinations, galling FBI and CIA

  revelations, Vietnam, Watergate, and Iran-

  Contra,”

  So Dr Drochon's opinion offers an interesting hypothesis,

  but lacks supporting evidence. It appears to be little more

  than his own unsubstantiated personal view. This doesn't

  mean he's 'certainly' wrong, only that the evidence suggests

  he may be. If we are going to rise above the speculative drivel

  offered by our 'loony conspiracy theorists' friends, then we

  should avoid jumping to evidentially flawed conclusions

  ourselves.

  For example, some studies have been undertaken to try to

  figure out how many conspiracy theorists there are. The two

  most notable were both conducted by the market research

  company YouGov, in collaboration with the University of

  Cambridge Conspiracy and Democracy project.[4] Their

  findings were quite revealing.

  They claimed that 19% of Americans believe that 9/11 was

  an inside job, 11% of Brits thought the same and 18% of

  British people believed that man-made climate change was a

  lie, compared to 13% in the US. They also found that at least

  50% of people (in both the U.S. and the UK) accepted one or

  more of the many conspiracy theories they defined. These

  included those who thought alien spaceships crashed at

  Roswell or the moon landings were faked; the people who

  thought JFK was assassinated by the government and others

 

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