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Are We Boiling Frogs?

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  Again in 2003, during another joint MI5 & Special Branch

  surveillance operation, called Operation Honeysuckle,

  Special Branch recorded McDaid getting a lift with Khan.

  They ran a vehicle check and confirmed ownership, but

  supposedly didn't pass this information on to MI5. At the

  inquests they stated that they hadn't thought the lift was

  significant and didn't think it was relevant to the purpose of

  the investigation.

  Operation Honeysuckle had involved teams of officers

  trailing McDaid around Yorkshire for two days. Why they

  thought his apparent meeting with Khan was insignificant

  wasn't clear. It also raised the question about the purpose of

  the operation. If it wasn't for gathering intelligence on

  McDaid or the people he met, what was it for? Neither the

  Police nor MI5 were willing to disclose this at the inquests.

  West Yorkshire Police continued to investigate the Iqra

  Learning Centre and, in December 2003, they discovered the

  shop was jointly run by Abdullah McDaid and was a

  registered charity. The list of the charity's trustees included

  Mohammad Sidique Khan and Shehzad Tanweer.

  In June 2004 MI5 sent an information request to the West

  Yorkshire Police and the Special Branch North Eastern

  Intelligence Cell requesting further details about Khan. The

  reply they received identified Khan, giving his personal

  details including previous addresses and a police caution

  he'd received as a teenager. Yet it completely omitted Khan's

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  appearance in Operation Honeysuckle.

  In light of the inquests narrow remit, focusing upon

  'preventability,' MI5 were asked why they had missed this

  vital information. Astonishingly they claimed this was

  because their database didn't work. This was another

  temporary problem, it later functioned perfectly.

  The Iqra Learning Centre was considered to be a centre for

  the radicalisation of young Muslim men. Khan and Tanweer

  were among them, but one of the chief architects of the

  radicalisation appeared to have been McDaid. He had been

  under surveillance at least twice. His clear links to both

  Mohammad Sidique Khan and Shehzad Tanweer were never

  'followed up' by the police or the security services.

  Supposedly due to a crap database, if you can believe that?

  Following 7/7, the book shop was raided but McDaid, the

  former UK Special Forces soldier and apparent hate

  preacher, wasn't charged with any offence. He later told

  reporters that he was against violence and that Khan and

  Tanweer had left the Iqra book shop prior to his involvement.

  He also informed them that he had met with Jermain

  Lindsay at least twice.[119]

  Operation Warlock and Honeysuckle, along with the list of

  the charity's trustees, meant he was lying about his

  relationship with Khan and Tanweer. McDaid has never been

  arrested or questioned about his involvement with at least

  three of the alleged 7/7 bombers, including the suggested

  ringleader. Having barely featured in the inquests, he has

  now disappeared and is thought to be living overseas.

  The original focus of Operation Crevice wasn't upon the

  fertiliser bomb plotters. Its initial target had been

  Mohammad Quayum Khan, an alleged al Qaeda operative

  with direct links to Ossama bin Laden.

  Codenamed 'Q' he was said to have been an al Qaeda

  recruiter who had sent many young British Muslims to

  training camps. According to the 2009 ISC report, in 2003

  MI5 had recorded phone conversations between 'Q' and

  Mohammad Sidique Khan. It was alleged that it was 'Q' who

  had sent Khan to train with Babar in Pakistan.[40]

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  The inquest revealed that 'Q's phone number had been noted

  as part of Operation Honeysuckle. Again this raised the

  question of why the Police supposedly neglected to tell MI5

  any of this. Broken database notwithstanding.

  'Q' was soon dropped from Operation Crevice as the focus

  shifted to Khyam and his co-conspirators. Despite being an

  alleged terrorist facilitator, with direct links to both Khan

  and Khyam, 'Q' does not appear to have been arrested or

  interviewed. He wasn't called to testify at the Crevice trial.

  Nor was there any subsequent exploration of his links with

  Khan. This led to speculation that 'Q' was actually an

  informant or asset of the security services.

  Peter Clarke was the Deputy Assistant Commissioner of

  Special Operations (Counter Terrorism Command) at

  Scotland Yard. He was a key member of Operation Hanover,

  running simulations of terrorist attacks which closely

  mirrored the 7/7 bombings, just five days before they

  transpired. He led the subsequent 7/7 investigation.

  In an interview with the BBC, Clarke was asked about 'Q's

  alleged relationship with the security services. The

  conversation left this possibility wide open:

  Q: Who was or is 'Q?'

  A: There are a lot of people connected to this

  investigation. Some of them I know their

  identities, some of them I don't........um.....

  Q: But you know who 'Q' is?

  A: I know who 'Q' is but I am not going to

  discuss who he is or what he is or what he

  does during this interview.

  Q: Why was 'Q' never arrested?

  A: Decisions are made during the course of

  an investigation based upon the evidence

  that's available and..er..the decision of who

  should be arrested is based

  entirely..er..upon what evidence is available

  at the time.

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  Q: Was 'Q' not arrested possibly because he

  was working for you or MI5?

  A: ..mm..I..I'm not prepared to comment

  on..on any speculation like that.

  There seems little doubt the alleged 7/7 bombers were

  involved in Islamist extremism to some extent. In particular,

  the evidence suggests Mohammad Sidique Khan and

  Shehzad Tanweer were planning to fight jihad abroad. Both

  appeared to have voluntarily attended al Qaeda and other

  Islamist training camps.

  For many this will provide all the explanation they need to

  maintain their belief the four men were solely responsible for

  the murder of 52 innocent men and women. However, for

  many others, the evidence surrounding 7/7 appears to

  indicate a far more complex narrative than the one we have

  been given.

  For the bereaved family members and survivors, there are far

  too many questions left unanswered. Having fought long and

  hard to find something approaching the truth, most have

  now been forced to accept their concerns may never be

  addressed.

  Graham Foulkes, who lost his 22 year old son David at

  Edgware Road, is a prominent spokesperson for the 7/7

  victims' families. He summed up their frustrations after the

  conclusion of the inquests:

  In 2005 the Home secretar
y stated quite

  clearly that he'd been told by the intelligence

  community that the four bombers were

  previously unknown to them. They were

  'clean skins.' They couldn't prevent the

  attack because it had come out of the blue.

  Now, since 2005, we know that's completely

  untrue.

  We know that the intelligence community

  had been...had a full surveillance team in

  place shadowing or following or whatever

  they do.....Mohammad Sidique Khan for over

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  two years. They had tape recordings of him

  being in contact with people who are now

  serving sentences for plan...for planning

  bomb attacks. They..they'd followed him to

  his home address. So they had a full

  surveillance team.

  So the first question is why did they lie to

  the Home Secretary? What are the

  consequences of that because there don't

  seem to have been any? But also it's

  really...really upsetting for me, and all of us,

  to know that the intelligence community had

  such detailed information about Sidique

  Khan and his intent and yet they did

  naught. The key question for me is why

  didn't they act? Why didn't they prevent

  this?

  As with most people, the only conceivable possibility, even

  for the families of the victims, is the security services 'failure'

  to act. Yet the connections between the alleged ringleader of

  7/7, Mohammad Sidique Khan, and individuals who may

  well have been state operatives raised other questions.[120]

  If Babar was a U.S. intelligence asset inside al Qaeda, what

  role did he have in the training and preparation of the

  alleged 7/7 terrorists? Why did the British security services

  send obscured, unidentifiable images of Khan and Tanweer

  for Babar's attention if they had perfectly clear photographs

  available?

  Who was Martin 'Abdullah' McDaid and who did he work for?

  Is his story of the ex-Special Forces counter-terrorism soldier

  who converted to Islamist extremism even remotely

  plausible? What role did he play in the radicalisation and

  training of the alleged 7/7 bombers?

  Was 'Q' working for British intelligence and what role did he

  have in the recruitment and training of the alleged 7/7

  bombers? Why weren't his connections with the 7/7

  bombers investigated thoroughly?

  Given the evidence we have, has it been proven beyond

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  reasonable doubt the four men were, in fact, the 7/7

  bombers. Or is just as likely that they were expendable

  patsies? If not them, then who was responsible? Why was

  there so much evidence of possible military grade devices

  placed underneath the carriages? How and why was this

  discounted?

  Why were the British government so reluctant to hold an

  independent inquiry and why did they go to such lengths to

  limit the scope of the inquests? Why didn't they just follow

  the existing, standard legal procedures?

  In light of the evidence, is it reasonable to consider the

  possibility that 7/7 didn't represent a 'failure' of the security

  services to act but, whether intentional or not, was rather a

  consequence of their deliberate actions?

  These questions do not arise as the result of irretrievable

  lunacy. They don't infer any blame or attempt to offer an

  alternative explanation. They spring from the very obvious

  holes in the evidence given thus far. The evidence does not

  appear to support the account we are all supposed to

  unhesitatingly accept.

  Without meaningful responses to these questions, why

  should we believe the 'narrative' we've been given?

  Terrorist events like 7/7 and 9/11 have shaped the nature of

  our society in recent years. Like it or not, they have provided

  the justification for the wholesale bombing of other

  countries, a dangerous escalation in international tensions,

  the killing of millions of people, and the introduction of

  draconian legislation designed to limit our freedoms.

  Speaking in Parliament in 2007, Tony Blair rejected

  demands for an independent public inquiry into the 7/7

  attacks. He said:[123]

  “I have ruled out having another proper and

  independent inquiry. The fact is the ISC

  went into all of these issues in immense

  detail.”

  The duplicity in his statement was breath taking. The

  Intelligence and Security Committees were entirely

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  government appointed. There was nothing independent

  about them. There had been no “proper and independent

  inquiry.”

  However, Blair was by no means finished with his witter:

  “The reason why people want another

  inquiry - and I totally understand both the

  grief of the victims of 7/7 and their anxiety

  to have another inquiry - is because they

  want another inquiry to reach a different

  conclusion.”

  Regardless of his continuing deceit concerning a previous

  inquiry, why would the surviving victims of 7/7 want one to

  reach any kind of predetermined conclusion? What they

  most wanted was an independent review of the evidence to

  find out what happened, not the creation of another

  government approved 'account.'

  They also wanted this process to take place in reality, rather

  than exclusively in the imagination of Mr Blair.

  As 7/7 survivor Rachel North put it:

  “What we want is an independent person -

  properly independent of the government and

  security services - who can trawl through all

  the information available and make

  recommendations. That is not happening.”

  Undeterred but such piffling concerns, Tony Blair then

  proceeded to raise significant questions about what the state

  really knew about 7/7, when they knew it, and why they

  were so worried about a proper examination of the evidence:

  [124]

  “If we end up now saying that the

  Intelligence and Security Committee was not

  an adequate inquiry, we have another

  inquiry, we will simply cause great anxiety

  and difficulty within the service.

  We won't get any more truth, because the

  truth is there in the intelligence and Security

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  Committee, but what we will do is

  undermine support for our security services

  and I am simply not prepared to do it.”

  Posing the question, what was it the Prime Minister of

  Britain thought would be revealed by an independent inquiry

  that would “undermine support for the security services?”

  Before we simply accept what we are told, shouldn't we at

  least try to ascertain if the 'facts' we are given are plausible?

  The only way we can do this is by examining the evidence.

  If the state can simply refuse to provide any proof to back up

/>   its narratives by claiming 'national security;' if our media

  don't question the official statements, but simply repeat

  whatever they are told; if the stories the state provides don't

  stand up to scrutiny, and then it decrees we are going to war

  based upon 'secret intelligence' we aren't even allowed to

  know, then what is this thing we call democracy?

  ************************

  There is no such thing as a dangerous ideology.

  There are only dangerous actions. The ideas of the individual

  don't threaten social stability. It's our willingness to

  unquestioningly follow ideas, to be led by others, which

  fosters the necessary conditions for war and chaos. For evil

  to prosper, good men must be organised.

  Freedom of speech and expression are our best protection

  against tyranny. Where the right to openly challenge ideas is

  protected, when debate is encouraged and critical thinking

  venerated, hateful or violent ideologies rarely flourish.

  Most of us understand, no matter our differences, we each

  want what's best for our families and loved ones. We have no

  individual desire to harm others. Of course there are a few

  exceptions, but when we are free think rationally, to

  question the doctrines of hate or division, they seldom

  spread beyond the fringes of society.

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  Those who want to elevate themselves to positions of

  authority are a miniscule minority. They always have been.

  Few of us desire power over other people. It is advisable to

  suspect the motives of those who do.

  We are many and they are few. Yet human history is

  characterised by conflict and mass violence.

  Tribes are capable of staggering cruelty. However, before one

  tribe attacks another, it must be convinced the enemy wants

  its destruction. Tribesmen and women must genuinely

  believe their children and loved ones are threatened before

  they will kill the children and loved ones of other tribes. The

  collective acceptance of an existential threat is always

  required.

  The miniscule minority know this. Power over the rest of us

  is all they crave and they will do anything to acquire and

  maintain it. Not always because they want to cause harm

  but always because they believe they know best. If the world

  is to benefit from their exclusive grasp of the truth, they

  must have the authority to enforce their ideas upon the rest

  of us.

 

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