Joan of Kent: The First Princess of Wales

by Penny Lawne

  Joan’s conciliatory initiative to restore Gaunt’s public reputation and standing was completed at the first parliament of Richard’s reign, held in October 1377. Having returned from the north in time to attend, John of Gaunt was requested by the Commons to act as a liaison between them and the council. In an extraordinary act of theatre, Gaunt took this opportunity to publicly clear his name. Kneeling before his nephew he referred to rumours about his loyalty, saying that he was loyal and

  prayed him humbly that he would hear him a little on a weighty matter touching his own person. The commons had chosen him to be one of the lords to consult with them but nothing could be done until he had been excused of these things which had been evilly spoken of him. For, he said, albeit unworthy, he was a king’s son and one of the greatest lords in the kingdom after the king: and what had been so evilly spoken of him could rightly be called plain treason … And if any man were so bold as to charge him with treason or other disloyalty or with anything prejudicial to the realm, he was ready to defend himself with this body as though he were the poorest bachelor in the land.32

  His obviously sincere and moving oratory had the desired effect. Without exception all of the barons and prelates rose to their feet to reassure the duke and protested that none of them believed such rumours. Once again there is no evidence to indicate that Joan had a hand in this, but it is tempting to consider that Gaunt, already grateful to her for the beneficial effects of her mediatory efforts and willing to take her counsel, had taken her advice in adopting such a different approach. His humble, supplicatory stance bore little resemblance to the proud and angry man who had so riled the Good Parliament just two years earlier.

  Joan discreetly helped Gaunt in other ways. She would have met his mistress Katherine Swynford in her capacity as governess to his two daughters by Blanche of Lancaster, Philippa and Elizabeth, probably shortly after her return from Aquitaine in 1371. Gaunt’s affair with Katherine is generally considered to have started in the spring of 1372, shortly before his marriage to Constance of Castile, although it did not become public knowledge until 1375. In 1377 the couple’s relationship was extremely strong and Joan would have come to know Katherine quite well, and have known how much Katherine meant to Gaunt. Joan knew Constance from their days in Aquitaine, but there is no evidence to suggest that the two women ever became close. In contrast there is some evidence to suggest that Joan and Katherine may have developed a friendship, and indeed Joan’s own unusual marital history might well have made her more than usually sympathetic to Katherine’s unusual position. On 20 July 1377 Richard II ratified a grant of Gringley and Wheatley to Katherine Swynford, on 21 July he nominated Katherine’s niece Elizabeth Chaucer (eldest daughter of her sister Philippa Chaucer, married to Geoffrey Chaucer) to St Helen’s Priory, Bishopsgate, and on 27 July nominated Margaret Swynford to Barking Abbey.33 The exact identity of Margaret Swynford is a mystery but the timing of the favour shown to her is suggestive and it does seem probable that she had a connection, albeit unknown, to Katherine. Barking was one of the more prestigious convents and therefore a desirable destination, achievable by Margaret because of her aristocratic connections. Four years later, in 1381, Elizabeth Chaucer became a nun at Barking Abbey, with her admission expenses paid for by Gaunt as part of a larger gift to the abbey.34 During the 1370s Katherine bore Gaunt four children – John, Henry, Thomas and Joan – all given the name Beaufort. Joan Beaufort is generally presumed to have been born in 1379, and it is possible that Gaunt had his sister-in-law in mind when choosing the name, and may even have asked Joan to act as godmother to his youngest child.35 As a caring and loving mother herself, with her affection for Gaunt, it is easy to imagine that Joan may have grown fond of Gaunt’s young Beaufort children, and that she and Richard spent time with them.

  Richard’s accession to the throne elevated his half-brothers Thomas and John Holand to the status of royal kinsmen, but despite this newly enhanced status neither of them was initially prominent in his affairs. This is perhaps surprising. Thomas was now twenty-seven years old. He had been knighted by his stepfather prior to the Battle of Nájera, and had been a member of his stepfather’s retinue until his death. He had taken part in several campaigns, having served under the Earl of Hereford in 1371 and 1372, under John of Gaunt in Aquitaine in 1373, and then accompanied his brother-in-law John Montfort to Brittany in 1375, presumably competently as he became a knight of the Garter in 1376, but, with no record of an independent command, he does not appear to have inherited his father’s notable military flair.36 As Joan’s heir he would one day become Earl of Kent and inherit all of her very considerable estates, which would make him one of the wealthiest and most powerful of the nobility. In 1377 he was a relatively obscure and modestly endowed young man, his only estates and income being the three manors granted to him on the occasion of his marriage in accordance with the marital agreement reached between his stepfather and his father-in-law, the Earl of Arundel, although his wife Alice had been left 5,000 marks by her father when he died in 1376. (Arundel was probably almost the richest man in England when he died, leaving £29,987 in gold and silver alone in Arundel Castle and total realisable assets of £72,245. He had been a notable moneylender to the Crown; Joan was among his debtors, owing him 1,000 marks when he died, having given him a single nouche as security).37 With Richard’s accession, it would have been a natural and obvious step for the young king to elevate his half-brother to the earldom of Kent, and for Joan to have handed over some of the many Kent estates to her heir. However, this would have put Thomas Holand on a par with Richard’s uncles, in particular with Thomas of Woodstock. Joan, protective of Richard and sensitive of the prince’s brothers, clearly felt that this would not be tactful, and she was careful to ensure this did not happen. Instead, in July 1377, Thomas was given an unremarkable official appointment as custodian of the royal forests south of Trent, replacing Sir John Foxley, a position with administrative and judicial duties which could be delegated (in November Baldwin Bereford was appointed his deputy and probably did the actual work) but which gave Thomas additional income.38 He was not however made a justice of the peace, although some months later he was granted a gift of 100 marks, payable in three instalments between June and November 1378, followed by a further £200 annuity in April 1378.39 It was not until 1380 that Thomas was created Earl of Kent, with the grants being supplemented by additional and substitute rents which, with his own income, were meant to ensure he had annual support in the region of £1,000.40 Joan’s influence was clear.

  There is nothing to suggest that Thomas resented his mother’s caution. He appears to have been consistently loyal and trustworthy, with a strong sense of family duty, and does not seem to have been a particularly ambitious young man. As the new reign started, he took his place at Richard’s side as part of his entourage (he is known to have been at Sheen with Richard in November 1377), serving in a modest capacity. In the spring of 1378 he served in the fleet in the Channel during the projected French invasion, and with his brother accompanied Gaunt at the unsuccessful siege at St Malo, while in October he was appointed commissioner to treat with the Scots over more breaches of the peace. In time he and Alice would have nine children, all but one growing to adulthood and surviving him: his heir Thomas, Edmund, Eleanor, Joan, Margaret, another Eleanor, Elizabeth and Bridget.41 The number of children suggests the marriage was a happy one, and the names chosen by Thomas include his father’s and mother’s names, his grandmother’s (Margaret), his mother’s best friend’s (Eleanor), his aunt’s (Elizabeth) and his maternal grandfather’s (Edmund). It was natural and appropriate, and indeed dutiful, for Thomas to name his eldest son after his father, and his second son after his grandfather; he was, after all, succeeding to their inheritance, but the choice of Eleanor twice, and of Elizabeth, suggests further a fond relationship with his mother and her friend, and a respect for his aunt Elizabeth (who retained a dower interest in many of the Kent estates).

  John Holand, twenty-f
ive years old in 1377, was, in contrast to his older brother, completely reliant on royal patronage. He was the only one of Joan’s four Holand children who was not yet married, and as a younger son he did not stand to inherit any of his mother’s estates. The prince had taken his stepson under his wing, appointing John Hay his guardian, and ensured he would receive the education commensurate with his background. When the prince returned to England and withdrew from active affairs John had been placed with John of Gaunt, in his retinue. John had a very different personality to Thomas. His future career indicates that he was both ambitious and unscrupulous, with a propensity for getting into trouble, while possessing considerable charm and charisma. Joan clearly had a soft spot for this son, despite the wildness which must have been apparent as he was growing up. On Richard’s accession, John was appointed one of his chamber knights, a prestigious position which brought little income with it. Perhaps Joan hoped that by keeping John close to her she would be able to keep an eye on her son, but the lifestyle did not suit John. Within a few months he returned to John of Gaunt’s retinue and gained his first military experience, accompanying the duke on his abortive siege of St Malo in 1378. In March John received a modest gift from Richard of a £100 annuity, converted into a land grant nine months later when he was given the Berkshire manors of Ardington and Philberds Court at East Hanney, formerly owned by Alice Perrers.42 This was followed by the award of a wardship valued at 250 marks and a life grant of some annuities in 1380. Joan was probably relieved that John was back under the watchful eye of her brother-in-law and hopeful that the experience he gained would stand him in good stead and curb his waywardness.

  Joan remained close to her daughters. Neither of their marriages had quite turned out as hoped or expected. Joan had become John Montfort’s wife when she was only eight or nine years old and had spent some years apart from her mother when she returned to England in 1366 or 1367. Despite Edward III’s support, the Duke of Brittany had been unable to regain control of his dukedom, and he was forced to remain in exile in England from 1373 to 1379 with his young wife. After the prince’s death he had been granted more property in Norfolk including Queen Isabella’s estate at Castle Rising, Lynn, but the duke had no intention of retiring to the country to take up an English lifestyle.43 Remaining at court, pressing for the support he needed to mount a campaign to restore him to his dukedom, he was happy for his wife to live with her mother. Naturally, Montfort was principally concerned to retain his dukedom, and did not want to remain dependant on the English Crown. At times he found it expedient to ally himself to the French, and on these occasions an English wife was a disadvantage. Their marriage may not have been a particularly happy one; certainly there were no children of the marriage, and the young Joan was apparently reluctant to join her husband in Brittany after his return in August 1379, and could not be persuaded to join him there until 1382.44 Similarly, Maud had no children with her husband and, after Courtenay’s death in 1374, rather than retire from court and live on her own estates (three manors had been settled on her at the time of her marriage), Maud preferred to live with her mother as part of her household. Neither of Richard’s half-sisters received any special mark of favour from their little brother when he became king.

  Richard’s first Christmas as king was spent at Windsor, in the company of his mother and family, surrounded by the court. The first few months of the reign had not been without incident. On 24 June 1377, just three days after Edward III’s death, the truce agreed with France at Bruges had ended, and the French had taken advantage of Edward III’s death and his grandson’s accession to invade England. Crossing the channel from Calais and Aquitaine, the French had attacked all along the south coast, burning Rye on 29 June then moving on to Rottingdean, Weymouth, Dartmouth, Plymouth, Southampton, Poole and occupying the Isle of Wight in August and September. Local defences proved powerless to prevent the invaders landing, although Walsingham scathingly remarked that the ‘so-called impregnable’ Isle of Wight would not have been captured ‘had its defence been diligently maintained’.45 The French had not come equipped to stay, and after burning, plundering and killing, they departed back to France, leaving the coastal towns devastated and counting their dead. This was a national humiliation and left many burning for revenge. But the safety of the realm was not at the forefront of the agenda of Richard’s first parliament, which had assembled on 13 October and lasted till the end of November. Once John of Gaunt had been publicly reconciled the commons had plenty of demands, presenting a petition which included fourteen items taken almost verbatim from the Ordinances of 1311, and insisting that Alice Perrers be tried, pressing for her banishment.46 Alice was duly condemned and all her possessions forfeited. Joan was not directly involved but she would have been kept abreast of affairs and may have influenced the choice of the knights deputed to check and make an inventory of the old king’s jewellery and other personal belongings (as two of the knights were long-standing retainers Richard Abberbury and Nicholas Bond).47

  Under the watchful eye of the Commons a new council was formed to govern on behalf of the king, their first task being to satisfy the Commons’ requirements. Parliament made it clear that, as far as they were concerned, the king had sufficient resources to maintain the war with France without recourse to public funds. There was no enthusiasm for a renewed French campaign. However, towards the end of October news reached England of a large Spanish fleet at Sluys, and in response to the threat a fleet had been assembled under the overall command of the king’s youngest uncle, Thomas of Woodstock, the newly appointed Duke of Buckingham, which set sail in early November. Unfortunately stormy weather scattered the fleet, and by December the project was abandoned and the by now mutinous troops disbanded.48 It was a disappointing and dispiriting start for the new reign, with another expensive foreign expedition ending in failure.

  Nevertheless Joan was probably not the only person who found the New Year, 1378, heralded a promising start. Richard was safely settled with his new household which included John Holand, while Joan was at hand with her own household, with her daughters and Eleanor Clifford in attendance. Politically there seemed to be calm, with the council managing affairs and Gaunt reconciled with Parliament and the Londoners. Despite its grumbles, Parliament had voted sufficient grants to finance a new offensive in France under the overall command of Gaunt and the earls of Arundel and Salisbury. Hopes were high that England would re-establish its supremacy in France and avenge the raids on the south coast. Plans were drawn up and orders dispatched, and in April Arundel and Salisbury sailed as planned, with Gaunt scheduled to follow. Regarded with respect and affection, referred to as ‘Madame la Meer’, Joan settled into her role as the king’s mother.49 In April, at the annual Garter celebrations, there was a public display of family unity with eight female members of Richard’s immediate family becoming Ladies of the Garter. This was a solely prestigious award as it carried no financial benefits. Only two women had previously been so honoured: Queen Philippa in 1358 and Princess Isabella in 1376. Now Joan, her daughters Maud, Lady Courtenay, and Joan, Duchess of Brittany, her sisters-in-law Constance, Duchess of Lancaster and Isabella, Countess of Cambridge (Edmund’s wife), Gaunt’s daughters Philippa and Elizabeth, and Princess Isabella’s daughter Philippa were all honoured.50 Special robes with hoods were made for them, matching in colour, quality and quantity of cloth and furs with those of the knights, with a garter for each embroidered with the motto of the order probably worn on the left arm, paid for by the Crown.51 As Joan stood in St George’s chapel at Windsor, dressed in her garter robes, her eyes on her son, this was a deeply emotional moment for her. Membership of the Garter had been of immense significance for the prince, and Thomas Holand, and their stalls were nearby, emblazoned with their arms. Now Joan too stood where they had done, joined to them in membership of this chivalric order. This was a family affair, as her oldest son Thomas had been made a member in 1376, at the same time as Princess Isabella. It would have been a proud and mov
ing moment for Joan, on the eve of saying goodbye once more to many of her menfolk. When Gaunt finally departed in July, Thomas and John accompanied him, as did Lewis Clifford, William Neville, Richard Stury, Philip la Vache, John Clanvowe and William Beauchamp, all dear to her.52 Watching the preparations, making her farewells to those leaving, Joan would have been reminded of earlier times with the prince, and perhaps she was relieved that Richard was far too young to take part in the expedition.

  Then, in August, the political calm was broken. The murder of a squire who had taken sanctuary in Westminster Abbey to avoid arrest caused a national scandal. Two squires, Robert Hawley and John Shakell, who had been imprisoned in the Tower pending investigation of their claim for a reward for having taken a valuable prisoner, had escaped and fled to Westminster Abbey. They were pursued by the constable of the Tower, Alan Buxhill, and one of his men, a knight named Ralph Ferrers, was overzealous in his duty, wounding a sacristan and killing Hawley on the altar steps. This violation of sanctuary caused an outcry. Even though Gaunt was in France, many held him responsible and he was denounced as the instigator. The Bishop of London, William Courtenay, immediately excommunicated all those concerned, specifically excluding only Richard, Joan and Gaunt. Meanwhile the French campaign faltered and failed, and in September the returning soldiers were greeted without enthusiasm. Gaunt, his military reputation tarnished, found that he was held responsible for the disappointment of so many hopes. Immediately on the defensive, he launched his energies into the sanctuary affair and lost no time in furiously attacking Courtenay. For once, Joan’s soothing and restraining influence was not in evidence, although, having deliberately distanced herself from the public political arena, the swift and immediate resumption of the old feud between her brother-in-law and the Bishop of London probably took her by surprise. When Parliament met in Gloucester the mood of the Commons was unsettled and unhappy, and the inevitable request for further subsidies for the Crown was received sourly and only granted grudgingly.