Roman Wives, Roman Widows

by Bruce W Winter

  Apart from a marble inscription, honours could also include a crown of gold leaf, a statue (normally in marble but it could be in the much prized bronze), and a seat of honour (with arm rests and therefore distinct from all other seats) for life in the theatre.44 Finally there was a public proclamation that the persons by their benefaction had shown themselves to be `good and noble' (Kaaos Kal &yaObs), the `three words' which Dio Chysostom noted were `more precious to many than life itself'.45

  A form-critical analysis of the official testimonials to the benefactress, Junia Theodora, assists in understanding what she had done in her role as a patron. She was rewarded with honours in the decree of the Federation of the Lycian cities and by three of her important cities which traditionally had two additional votes in the assemblies of the league.46 Her benefactions were dis cussed, being introduced by the conventional `since' (> rrst),47 the decreed honours were recorded `it has been decreed' (6s66X6at),48 and the purpose declared in the final clause `in order that' (Yva or orrcos) or `that' (6zt).49 The reason that number 2 does not have the first two classical elements of benefaction decrees is that it was a formal letter to the Corinthians. Number 4 is also an official letter to the magistrates, the council and the People of Corinth, and after the introduction that stresses the honours given by the federation, it records the traditional benefaction inscription in the standard classical genre. This form-critical analysis helps extrapolate information on the benefactions of Junia Theodora, who was a Roman citizen living in Corinth, and the nature of the honours bestowed upon her, together with the stated reasons in the official decrees and letters of this very important composite inscription.

  Unlike most benefactions these inscriptions, which were incorporated into a single stone, make no mention of buildings, aqueducts, theatres or pavements. The first decree was passed by the Lycian federation and records that Junia Theodora has used her good `offices' to secure `the friendship of many of the authorities [on behalf of the federal league of Lycian cities], employing her assistance in all areas which most directly interest all Lycians; (and) by the will she has drawn up shows her desire to please the nation, no. ill. 5-8. Reference was also made to her reception in her Corinthian home not only of private individuals but `ambassadors sent by the nation [of the Lycians] , no. 4 11. 50-51. An official letter was sent from the federal league to the magistrates, council and the People of Corinth, in which the same benefaction statement in no. i was largely replicated but important information was clearly added.50 Her generosity towards the nation is further explained: `Since also very many of our people in exile were welcomed by her with magnificence', no. 4 11- 58-59. The letter from Myra refers to her devotion and hospitality to which she devoted herself to `our people particularly at the time of their arrival in your city [Corinth]', no. 2 11- 17-19. (See pp. 188-9o for a discussion of the exile.)

  The decree of the city of Patara also provides additional information. She is a Roman citizen residing in Corinth. Apart from describing her as a woman of the greatest honour and possessing the great Roman virtue of `modesty, it adds, `also offering hospitality to all the Lycians and receiving them in her own house, and she continues particularly to act on behalf of our citizens in regard to any favour asked', no. 3 ll. 23-29. The city of Telmessos calls her a patron; in this case she must have been a civic patron who was said to be 'supplying them with everything ... displaying her patronage of those who are present, no. 5 ll. 76-77.

  This information indicates that Junia was a Roman citizen with considerable wealth which she used to offer hospitality to ambassadors and to care for Lycian exiles in Corinth. She was perceived to have had `ongoing influence' with the authorities.

  Both decrees of the Lycian Federation contain standard resolutions `to acknowledge and praise' (6ro6ssr?X6a1 Kal s rgv6(56at) Junia Theodora, 1 ll. 910, 41.62, and the same infinitives are found in no. 5 11.8o-8i, while praise also occurs in no. 3 twice and in the first instance `to bear witness' (btapap ru - pgGat) is added, 11- 32, 37, `because the majority of our citizens have come before the Assembly to give testimony about her, 1. 32, so `the People' of Patara also formally affirm what she has done. In addition, the first Lycian Federation decree states that it will send her a crown of gold, also a standard honour for very generous benefactors, but it adds `for the time when she will come into the presence of the gods', 4 ll. 9-11. In their second decree they resolve also to give her five minas of saffron for her burial and `honour her with a portrait painted on a gilt background' and engraved with an inscription.

  The acknowledgement of her benefaction and the `praising' of her were a public event normally held in the theatre where she would have been declared a good and noble woman, and crowned with a crown of gold. It would seem that these honours were conferred in absentia by means of the official resolutions and were sent to her in Corinth and the civic officials of Corinth.

  All five inscriptions in one way or another indicate the reason for honouring her. The traditional final purpose clauses read, `that all may see that the city of X knows how to reward with honours those who are its benefactors'. In its place the decree of the Lycian Federation sends her in effect the opening of a formal letter -The federal assembly of the Lycians to Junia Theodora, a Roman, fine and honourable woman and devoted to the nation', and indicates that `our agent Sextus Julius has equally been busy seeing to the engraving of the following inscription, 1 11. 12-14. She is declared a public benefactress of the federation who is loyal to the nation of Lycia.

  The letter from the city of Myra incorporates into it the standard final clause but it is for Junia Theodora -in order that you may know of the gratitude of the city' (omcos EYbTiTE Tv TS 7r6XEwo E1 X(xptGZiav) 1. 21. The Myra decree specifies that the city of Corinth was also to be made aware of the honours for Junia with an official certified copy: `So that (Yva 66) Iunia herself, and the city of Corinth at the same time, may be aware of the loyalty of our city to her, and of the decree passed for her, the secretary of the council sends (40) to the people of Corinth this copy of the present decree after having sealed it with the public seal; no. 3 ll. 37-41.

  The Lycian Federation in its letter incorporating the resolution indicates that she has been awarded a crown and an inscribed portrait that can accompany her to her grave -'in order (Yva) that she may have it in readiness when she will reach the presence of the gods and to honour her with a portrait painted on a gilt background and engraved with the following inscription: "The federal assembly of the Lycians and the Lycian magistrates have honoured with a crown (68) and a portrait painted on a gilt background lunia Theodora, a Roman, living at Corinth, a fine and honourable woman and constantly devoted to the nation by reason of her affection", no. 4 11. 64-69.

  Finally the authorities of Telmessos revert to the ancient formula but with important variations. It is not only that passersby will see that she was appropriately rewarded. Their decree departs from the normal convention of honours for past benefactions and openly expresses the hope that she will continue to be their benefactress. They guarantee her that further civic honours can be assumed by her - `and invite her, living with the same intentions, to always be the author of some benefit towards us, well knowing that in return our city recognises and will acknowledge the evidence of her goodwill, no. 5 ll. 83-85.

  To what did those who were welcomed by Junia `with magnificence' as `exiles' refer, no. 4 11. 58-59? It has been attributed to the formation of Lycia as a Roman province in A.D. 43 which was preceded by civil discord and subsequent curtailing of rights in keeping with Rome's policy in the provinces; hence the dating of the inscription by some to this period.5' The suggestion is feasible because the Lycians were historically a fiercely independent nation, but discord preceded Rome's creation of the province of Lycia and Pamphylia and indeed was the cause of it.52 Dio recorded the sequence:

  He [Claudius] reduced the Lycians to servitude because they had revolted and slain some Romans, and he incorporated them into the prefecture of Pamphylia. During the investig
ation of this affair, which was conducted in Latin, he put a question to one of the ambassadors who had originally been a Lycian citizen: and when the man failed to understand what he said, he took away his citizenship, saying that it was not proper for a man to be a Roman who had no knowledge of the Romans' language.13

  B. Levick writes about `the murder of Romans, possibly Italian business men who had misused their status to make a profit, more probably enfranchised natives deploying Roman citizenship as a weapon in local politics. Men trusted by Rome were assassinated or more probably became the victims of judicial murder, since the whole federation suffered. The Lycians sent an embassy but could not clear themselves.154

  It is possible that the help sought was in connection with this embassy to Rome, and that `the ambassadors sent by the nation' came by way of the sea route to Corinth and on to Rome, no. 4 11-50-51 .55 The use of embassies to Rome was the major means of securing concessions and of seeking to reverse penalties incurred by Rome's use of the stick and carrot method of controlling the cities in the provinces.56 Was it after this event that the patronage of Junia was invoked in the hope of reversing the fortunes of the Lycians?

  It has also been suggested that the Sitz im Leben was the result of the unsuccessful case brought by the Lycian Federation against a former governor of the province for extortion, in A.D. 57. Tacitus succinctly records:

  The Lycians claimed damages from Titus Clodius Eprius Marcellus. But his intrigues were so effective that some of his accusers were exiled for endangering an innocent mans'

  Governors of provinces could not be prosecuted for alleged misdemeanours while still holding the post. This could be done only after the completion of the term of office when a case could be initiated and heard in Rome.58 The Lycian inscriptions mentioned Junia's welcoming ambassadors and `very many of our people in exile' (11. 50, 58).

  Kearsley observes that the three cities which sent official letters or decrees were important seaports in Lycia in the Roman period, and therefore concludes that Junia was being honoured for her promotion of their commercial interests.59 Such an arrangement was not without precedent.60 However, the Lycians were asking Junia to use her influence to lobby the `authorities' (f yr iovrs). That term could be used of provincial governors or in the singular of the emperor, and in this instance it could have also included the Senate in Rome. We do know of one provincial governor, Gallio.61 He was a noted Roman jurist and was officially called `my friend' by Claudius in the Delphi inscription. His brother, Seneca, was highly placed in the Principates of Claudius and Nero.62 Gallio had held the governorship of Achaea in C. A.D. 51 and his brother was to play a leading role in Nero's administration. It was not unknown for ex-governors to exercise their influence in Rome on behalf of cities under their former control. It could be through contacts such as this that Junia was asked to plead the cause of the Lycian Federation in Rome, even though their attempt to indict a former governor of Lycia had backfired badly.

  Her benefactions were not bricks and mortar but receiving exiles, ambassadors, and acting as the patron of the Federation as she had done in the past on its behalf and hopefully in the future. It is not possible to disconnect Junia's role as patron receiving the Lycian ambassadors and the exiles in her home, and the request to her to use her influence with the authorities. Had the exiles not been mentioned, then the arrival of ambassadors from one city to another seeking commercial concessions or trading arrangements would have been the obvious reason. The concerted official activity of the federation and leading Lycian cities in it suggests that there was something more afoot than trade.

  Filers in his recent book on Roman patronage in the Greek cities, which is the first extended treatment of this subject, records the nature of this patronage. However, in his extensive appendix i of inscriptions of Roman patrons he does not notice the one woman patron, Junia Theodora.63 Hers is not the only evidence of the role of Roman patron of Lycia (patronus provinciae).64 Filers records that Proculus was honoured as the patron of Lycia, but his was not a provincial post as he held his magistracy (praetor) in Rome: `Proculus, praetor, with a gold crown and bronze statue, a good and noble man, patron of the province, because of his virtue and goodwill (&pET K(A E 5vota)', the latter being standard benefaction terms also used of Junia (ll. 20, 27, 35, 55, 56, 72). He was a Lycian senator either from the time of Augustus or the end of the same century.65

  Proculus' designation parallels the patronage (7rpo(YTaGia) of Junia which the decree of the Lycian city of Telmessos officially acknowledged as federal and not civic for their city (l. 77). The reference is to an ancient league that had operated since c. 200 B.c. and continued to do so with reduced powers as part of the Roman province of Lycia and Pamphylia. Junia was therefore perceived by the Lycians to be a person of influence and could represent them. If the federation had fallen on difficult days in either A.D. 43 or 57, then the need for the right patron to represent their cause to Rome was critical. It has already been noted that it was not only for past support and benefactions she was officially praised but the expectation is made explicit, `to invite her, living with the same intentions, to always be the author of some benefit towards us [as the patron]' (11. 83-84). This points to the great importance of the patronage of Junia and reveals her Roman rank and status.66

  Why was the highly unusual action being taken of addressing inscriptions 2-4 to city authorities of Corinth? She was not only a citizen of Lycia but also a Roman citizen who was now resident in Corinth (1. 17).67 Corinth had long understood the importance of civic patrons, as did the Achaean League.68 The governor of Achaea's imperium was restricted to his province and therefore he had no legal jurisdiction over the Lycians.

  The extravagant outpouring of praise of her and the multiple 'testimonials' suggest that what was being sought was no commercial concessions, but her urgent help, whether the inscriptions are dated to c. 43 or 57. For the Lycians to have requested her aid indicates that she was a woman of considerable means as the mention of her will confirms, but she also had political influence in high places. Junia Theodora's contribution does not come under the category of business, or even civic patronage. The reason for the Lycians addressing the magistrates and people of Corinth in their official inscriptions remains an enigma if the latter view is taken; and if the former, then the very mention of exiles was unnecessary, given the sensitive nature of their political situation. She would have had to go to Rome to represent their political interests at some stage to retrieve their good standing with the authorities. Junia Theodora was no insignificant player in the wider realm of provincial politeia.

  Before turning to the next section it should be noted that not all will agree with this assessment of the independent and important role of Junia Theodora in politeia. J. E. Grubbs asserts somewhat boldly, `At no time in Roman history could women themselves serve as senators or hold political mag istracies on the imperial, provincial or local level'. For evidence to the contrary see pp. 181-83. She then goes on to concede that ancient evidence is stacked against her. `The sources translated in this section "Women in public life: restrictions and responsibilities" demonstrate that there were dozens of laudatory inscriptions set up by communities in honour to elite women, demonstrate that women were in fact expected to play a role in public life, albeit to a much more limited extent than their fathers, brothers or husbands.' Her conclusion is, `However, it should be stressed that this role, and the honour paid to these women, was contingent on their membership in wealthy, elite families. Just as women's role in legal matters was restricted to matters involving themselves or close family members, so their role in civic life was restricted to acting as part of, or on behalf of, their family.'69

  In arguing thus, Grubbs follows the thesis of van Bremen that women could not operate except under the aegis of husbands or other males.70 A patronising inscription to Aba from Histiaea in an introductory citation in Part i of her book and at the beginning of her conclusion influenced her because it read that this woman performed o
ffices `normally taken on by male benefactors, doing her best to imitate them ... '.71

  Unlike Filers who in his Roman Patrons and Greek Cities fails to include Junia Theodora in his appendix, van Bremen relegates her contribution to three footnotes.72 It may be significant that her inscription is still bypassed by many, as it is located in the farthest corner of the portico in the courtyard in the museum in Corinth, and on the right of the public toilet. It contains no significant information as to its uniqueness in the ancient world and goes unnoticed by most, even TV producers filming on site ancient material for documentaries on Paul and early Christianity.

  This amazing first-century lady cannot be ignored. On the contrary she provides hard evidence of a woman operating as a patron, not of a single city but of the Lycian Federation, which has some thirty-six cities with voting rights in its deliberations.73 The intensity of support for her at grassroots level is also seen because `the majority of citizens [of Patara] have come be fore the Assembly to bear testimony concerning her' (Kal nXCtGzot TWV 7tOXE1TWV 1 1WV KazaGTdVTES STfS Ti sKKXfGias btaµsµapTtpgxav W TfV) (11. 3o-31).74 In the minds of the Lycians she had the necessary political clout to warrant ambassadorial visits with the support of official honorific inscriptions that sought her intervention on their behalf. That is, she belonged to a new `elite within the elite', to cite Bauman" - imperial women whose images were exported to the provinces as icons for modest women in terms of dress and hairstyles but whose achievements as successful operators in politeia also provided a paradigm.76 Junia appears to be one who was able to emulate their example in the provinces.

  It is through the lens of the epigraphic sources discussed in the previous sections that it is proposed to look afresh at two New Testament texts on the participation of Christian women in politeia. As in previous chapters it is not proposed to enter into a full discussion but to see what light can thrown on them from the extant evidence we have from their world. It is an interesting feature of this material that the contribution of men and women alike in the Pauline churches is not specifically featured. In fact relatively few men are named, and even fewer women. This contrasts with The Memorable Doings and Sayings of Valerius Maximus where he often supplies details of rank and status as well as achievements.