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i. A. Kostenberger, "A Complex Sentence Structure in i Timothy 2:12;" in A. J. Kostenberger, T. R. Schreiner, and H. S. Baldwin, eds., Women in the Church: A Fresh Analysis of i Timothy 2:9-15 (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1995), ch. 4; and A. J. Kostenberger, "Ascertaining Women's God-Ordained Role: An Interpretation of i Timothy 2:15;" BBR 7 (1997): 107-44.
2. There is a short discussion by K. E. Corley, Private Women, Public Meals: Social Conflict in the Synoptic Tradition (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1993), pp. 53-62, whose work I did not discover until I had completed revising this book.
3. A summary of the conference paper was published as "The `New' Roman Wife and i Timothy 2:9-15: The Search for a Sitz im Leben," TynB 51.2 (2000): 285-94.
4. See my "Veiled Men and Wives and Christian Contentiousness (i Corinthians 11:2-16);" in After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001), ch. 6 and the comment on p. 141, n. 81.
5. On the latter issue see my "Veiled Men and Wives and Christian Contentiousness (i Corinthians 11:2-16)," esp. pp 131-33.
6. The two horizons being referred to here can be mistaken. A. C. Thiselton wrote of a philosophical perspective as his early book made clear, The Two Horizons: New Testament Hermeneutics and Philosophical Description with Special Reference to Heidegger, Bultmann, Gadamer, and Wittgenstein (Exeter: Paternoster Press, i98o). His subsequent discussion has taken serious
ly the first-century horizon, see, e.g., his monumental commentary, The First Epistle to the Corinthians: Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids and Carlisle: Eerdmans and Paternoster, 2000). Not all who have pursued the issue of hermeneutics have been as careful as he is in seeking first to understand the ancient world setting of the text.
7. On this issue see most recently my "Roman Law and Society in Romans 12-15," in P. Oakes, ed., Rome in the Bible and the Early Church (Carlisle and Grand Rapids: Paternoster and Baker, 2002), ch. 3, pp. 67-102. A projected volume, The Pauline Corpus Against Its Environment, will cover a much wider treatment of texts and demonstrate the counter-cultural nature of substantial teaching on important aspects of the lives of early Christians.
i. B. Rawson, "From `daily life' to `demography;' in R. Hawley and B. Levick, eds., Women in Antiquity: New Assessments (London: Routledge, 1995), ch. i, cit. p. 18.
2. For N.T. evidence on the due Roman process of criminal law, see my "Christentum and Antike: Acts and the Pauline Corpus as Ancient History," in T. W. Hillard, R. A. Kearsley, C. E. V. Nixon and A. M. Nobbs, eds., Ancient History in a Modern University (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), Vol. 2, pp. 121-30; and on the importance of the Second Sophistic from Philonic and Pauline sources see my Philo and Paul among the Sophists: Alexandrian and Corinthian Responses to a Julio-Claudian Movement, 2nd edition (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002).
4. J. A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 90 B.C.-A.D. 212 (New York: Cornell University Press, 1967).
5. Crook's approach has recently been evaluated but not in any acknowledged response to his succinct, programmatic essay cited in n. 3. From the legal historian's perspective, see B. Sirks, "Conclusion: Some Reflections," which provides a balanced approach compared with that of J.-J. Aubert's essay "Conclusion: A Historian's Point of View" in J.-J. Aubert and B. Sirks, eds., Speculum luris: Roman Law as a Reflection of Social and Economic Life in Antiquity (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. 169-81, 182-92. Aubert remains highly sceptical of the value of any cross-disciplinary approaches between the two overlapping spheres. This volume has some important essays relevant for this monograph, especially T. A. J. McGinn, "The Augustan Marriage Legislation and Social Practice: Elite Endogamy versus Male `Marrying Down;" pp. 46-93. For a discussion of a later period see D. A. Lee, "Decoding Late Roman Law," Journal of Roman Studies XCII (2002): 185-193, where he reviews three monographs dealing with the period and support the approach of Crook, adding to the discussion in his review article.
6. See Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 90 B.C.-A.D. 212, pp. 7-8, for a discussion of the penchant of Roman citizens for a knowledge of legal matters for this very reason.
3. See most recently J. A. Crook, "Legal History and General History," BICS 41(1996): 31-36.
7. K. Hopwood, "Aspects of Violent Crime in the Roman Empire," in P. McKechnie, ed., Thinking like a Lawyer: Essays on Legal and General History for John Crook on His Eightieth Birthday, Mnemosyne Supplements ccxxxi (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2002), pp. 63-80, cit. p. 65.
8. E. Fantham, H. Peet Foley, N. Boymel Kampen, S. B. Pomeroy, and A. H. Shapiro, "The `New Woman': Representation and Reality," in Women in the Classical World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), ch. io.
9. T. A. J. McGinn, Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 162.
lo. E. Fantham et al., "The `New Woman': Representation and Reality," in Women in the Classical World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), ch. io.
n. I have avoided using the term romanitas even though it has steadily gained currency in recent time among some ancient historians. The term is not to be found in the Oxford Latin Dictionary which cites words occurring in sources up to A.D. 200. It was Tertullian, "On the Pallium," 4, who first used it and did so pejoratively to describe those in Carthage who aped Roman culture.
13. Fantham et Al "The `New Woman," p. 28o.
12. For example, there had long been a considerable difference in laws governing identical property rights of women in Crete and Athens and their participation in society. See pp. 142-43.
14. For a discussion of this see S. E. Wood, Imperial Women: A Study in Public Images, 40 B.C.-A.D. 69 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999), and more recently a helpful study by P. A. Roche, "The Public Image of Trajan's Family," Classical Philology 97.1 (2002): 41-6o.
15. A. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East: The New Testament Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the Graeco-Roman World (ET reprint, Grand Rapids: Baker, 1978), p. 8, ... the tentmaker's words [1 Cor. 1:26-31] about the origins of his churches in the lower classes of the great towns form one of the most important testimonies, historically speaking that Primitive Christianity gives of itself.' Fora response, see my critique of the search for a Vulgarethik in my "Elitist Ethics and Christian Permissiveness;" After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001), ch. 5, esp. pp. 105-9 and p. 158, n. 54.
16. Susanne Dixon, "Re-readings: A Partial Survey of Scholarship," in Reading Roman Women (London: Duckworth, 2001), ch. 1, has provided a helpful thumbnail sketch of the history of interpretation.
17. T. A. J. McGinn, "Widows, Orphans and Social History," Journal of Roman Archaeology 12 (1999): 621.
18. J. A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 90 B.C.-A.D. 212, pp. 103-4.
19. McGinn, "Widows, Orphans and Social History," p. 621, cites examples in n. 15. R. P. Bond, "Anti-feminism in Juvenal and Cato," in C. Deroux, ed., Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History 1 (Brussels: 1979), p. 142; Averil Cameron, "Women in Ancient Culture and Society," AU 32.2 (1989): 17; and A. J. Marshall, "Roman Ladies on Trial: The Case of Maesia of Sentium," Phoenix 44 (1990): 49.
20. McGinn, "Widows, Orphans and Social History," pp. 620-21. He is interacting with this view in the work on widows and orphans by J.-U. Krause, Witwen and Waisen im Romischen Reich (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1994-5), Vols. I-IV who raises the issue on eight occasions: I, ix, p. 137; II, p. 133, p. 203, p. 250, p. 253; III, p. 32; IV, p. 109.
21. McGinn, "Widows, Orphans and Social History," p. 621, n. 14.
22. See for example, J. F. Gardner, "Out of the Familia: The Practice of Emancipation," in Women in Roman Law and Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), pp. 257-66; McGinn, "Widows, Orphans and Social History," p. 620; S. Dixon, Reading Roman Women (London: Duckworth, 2001), pp. 8-9 n. 34.
23. Regrettably, what is popularly designated as New Testament `background' has been relegated to first-year courses in Christian or Religious Studies Departments in many colleges and religious institutions. It is seen as an optional extra and not critical for understanding texts such as these and others.
24. For an excellent example of this activity on published non-literary sources by ancient historians in their service to N.T. scholars, see New Documents of New Testament Times, Volumes 1-9 from the Ancient History Documentary Research Centre, Macquarie University, now published by Eerdmans. This is an invaluable, but neglected, source for those for whom it was primarily designed. The way evidence and secondary discussion on an issue are brought to bear in this series with its connection to a particular aspect of the N.T. world and its concerns is a paradigm for scholarly discussion of the ancient texts that comprise the corpus of the N.T. It is also a short cut for those wanting to benefit from important ancient texts seen to have relevance to N.T. studies and the specialist discussion by ancient historians.
25. The dating of the latter is not critical to this discussion as the evidence for the `new' woman is not restricted to the Julio-Claudian periods.
28. Winter, "Providentia for the Widows of i Timothy 5:3-16;" p. 85.
29. See chapter 5, n. i. B. W. Winter, "Veiled Men and Wives and Christian Contentiousness (i Cor. 11:2-16);" in After Paul Left Corinth: The Influence of Secular Ethics and Social Change, ch. 6.
30. He demonstrated once again the fruitfulness of being source-based when he gave the Tyndale Lectures in the Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge as t
he Senior Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute for Early Christianity in the Graeco-Roman World, Cambridge in Michaelmas Term, 2000.
26. B. W. Winter, "Providentia for the Widows oft Timothy 5:3-16," TynB 39 (1988): 83-99.
27. B. W. Winter, "Widows and Legal and Christian Benefactions," in Seek the Welfare of the City: Christians as Benefactors and Citizens (Grand Rapids and Carlisle: Eerdmans and Paternoster, 1993), ch. 4.
31. See, for example, D. Doriani, "A History of the Interpretation of i Timothy 2," in A. J. Kostenberger, T. R. Schreiner, and H. S. Baldwin, eds., Women in the Church (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1995), appendix i.
32. On the problem of this growing chasm, see R. Lawrence and J. Berry, eds., Cultural Identity in the Roman Empire (London: Routledge, i98i), p. i.
33. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2003).
34. Gospel Women: Studies in the Named Women in the Gospels (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002).
1. W. V. Harris, "The Roman Father's Power of Life and Death," in R. S. Bagnall and W. V. Harris, eds., Studies in Roman Law in Memory of A. A. Schiller (Leiden: Brill, 1986), pp. 81, 88.
4. The catacombs have inscriptions to Pomponius Bassus and Pomponius Graecinus; see J. Jackson, Tacitus, Loeb series (1956), pp. 52, n. 3; 53 (cf. 2.50).
5. No. 2274, British Museum.
2. Valerius Maximus, Memorable Doings and Sayings, 13.3.8, 6.3.7.
3. Tacitus, Annals, 13.32.
6. CIL, 1.1221 (c. 8o B.C.).
7. CIL, XII1.1983•
8. Attic Nights, 10:23. He `copied Cato's words from a speech called On the dowry, in which it is stated that husbands who caught wives in adultery could kill them. "The husband," he says, "who divorces his wife is her judge, as though he were a censor".' However, S. Treggiari, Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), p. 274, cautions against the uncritical acceptance of this report.
9. For a full discussion of this important discourse see S. B. Pomeroy, ed., "Part I, Interpre tative Essays," in Plutarch's Advice to the Bride and Groom and A Consolation to His Wife: English Translations, Commentary, Interpretative Essays and Bibliography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
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