Roman Wives, Roman Widows

by Bruce W Winter

  69. Grubbs, Women in the Law in the Roman Empire, p. 71.

  70. R. van Bremen, The Limits of Participation: Women and Civic Life in the Greek East in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods (Amsterdam: J. C. Gieben, 1996).

  71. SEG 24 (1969), 1112. Van Bremen, TheLimits of Participation; the text is discussed on pp. 9, 297-99.

  72. van Bremen, The Limits of Participation, pp. 164 n. 73, 165 n. 78, and 198 n. n, referring to Junia's receiving the Lycians in her town house, her Roman citizenship and her legal status.

  73. Pliny, Natural History, 5.101; and evidence cited by. A. H. M. Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1937), p. 107.

  74. E. A. Judge drew my attention to the importance of this evidence of active participation by citizens in the assembly, given the received view that 'As time went on the assent of the people became more and more formal, and eventually, the assembly ceased to meet, A. H. M. Jones, The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), p. 177.

  75. Bauman, Women and Politics in Ancient Rome, p. 99.

  76. S. E. Wood, Imperial Women: A Study in Public Images, 40 B.C.-A.D. 69 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999).

  79. See my "From Secular Clients to Christian Benefactors, i Thessalonians 4:11-12 and 2 Thessalonians 3:6-13," in Seek the Welfare of the City: Christians as Benefactors and Citizens, First-Century Christians in the Graeco-Roman World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), ch. 3•

  8o. On the distinction in the use of the terms `household' and `house' of Stephanas in i Cor. 1:16 and 16:15 see my "Secular Patronage and Christian Dominance (i Corinthians 16:15- 16)," and "The Meaning of oiKia and olxos," in After Paul Left Corinth, Appendix, pp. 206-11, and ch. 9 for its implications for Stephanas and his ministry in 16:15.

  77. For references see p. 191 n. 68.

  78. Kent, Corinth, VII1.3, no. 265.

  83. See my "The `Underlays' of Conflict and Compromise in 1 Corinthians," in Trevor J. Burke and J. Keith Elliott, eds., Paul and the Corinthians: Studies on a Community in Conflict. Essays in Honour of Margaret Thrall (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2003), ch. 7.

  8i. E. A. Judge, "Cultural Conformity and Innovations," TynB 35 (1984): 23.

  82. Judge, Rank and Status in the World of the Caesars and St. Paul, p. 9.

  84. B. Rawson, The Politics of Friendship: Pompey and Cicero (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1978).

  85. R. P. Sailer, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 9-11.

  86. See J. N. Collins, Diakonia: Re-interpreting the Ancient Sources (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); and A. D. Clarke, "Pauline Ministry in the Church;" in Serve the Community of the Church, First-Century Christians in the Graeco-Roman World (Grand Rapids and Carlisle: Eerdmans and Paternoster, 2000), ch. 9, esp. pp. 233-43, for a repudiation of Collins' thesis that it refers to someone of status, and for evidence that it is instead a term having low standing and involving a servant role to others.

  87. Judge, Rank and Status in the World of the Caesars and St. Paul.

  88. I am grateful to P. Williams who drew my attention to Pliny's description of the two female slaves whom he interrogated under torture and who then yielded the information that they were `deacons'. The servile term, ministra, was used to describe their place in the church; Pliny, Letters, X, 96.

  89. A. D. Clarke, "`Refresh the Hearts of the Saints': A Unique Pauline Context?" TynB 47.2 (1996): 277-300.

  9o. C£ i Cor. 11:13 Ev uµiv uftofS and the grammatical discussion on p. 92.

  9i. See G. Peterman, Paul's Gift from Philippi: Conventions of Gift Exchange and Christian Giving (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

  92. Seneca, ad Helviam, 6.2-3.

  93. Noy, "The Practicalities of Moving to Rome," in Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers, ch. 6, p. 147.

  97. Epigrafia greca, IV, 445, cited G. Horsley, "Sophia, the Second Phoebe," New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity 4 (1979), no. 122, pp. 239-44.

  94. Noy, "Why did people move to Rome?" in Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers, ch. 5.

  95• Paul's commendation of Phoebe should be read in part in the light of his concerns about the right reception of Timothy (i Cor. 16ao).

  96. C. F. Whelan, "Amica Pauli: The Role of Phoebe in the Early Church," JSNT49 (1993): 84-85.

  98. lEph. 3218, 11. 4, 12-13; Horsley, "Sophia, the Second Phoebe," 240-41.

  99• A. J. Kostenberger, "Women in the Pauline Mission," in P. Bolt and M. Thompson, eds., The Gospels to the Nations: Perspectives on Paul's Mission (Leicester and Downers Grove: Apollos and IVP, 2000), p. 229, citing D. J. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996), p. 916.

  100. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 8.5.

  101. Judge, Rank and Status in the World of the Caesars and St. Paul, p. 13. See his n. 17 for the basis of his survey.

  102. P. Lampe, Die Stadtromischen Christen in den ersten beiden Jahrhundert (Tubingen: J. C. Mohr, 1987), p. 139.

  103. IGUR, 1239.

  104. Kent, Corinth, VII1.3, provides literary evidence of similar names found in a number of inscriptions in his volume, so any examinations of this nature should not be dismissed, as ancient historians explore these possibilities as a matter of course.

  105. Noy, "Why did people move to Rome?" in Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers, pp. loo-1.

  io6. Liddell & Scottcite 2 Cor. i:9 as an example of a'judicial sentence, `condemnation, and in their Supplement to the 9th edition they cite P. Tebt. 286 (2nd century A.D.) and P.Mich. ix, 529 in the following century as judgements pronounced by the emperor after hearing a legal case.

  107. F. F. Bruce, New Testament History (London: Nelson, 1969), p. 331.

  108. B. Levick, "Tiberius and the Law: The Development of maiestas," in Tiberius, the Politician (London: Thames and Hudson, 1976), ch. u.

  109. A. D. Clarke, "Jew and Greek, Slave and Free, Male and Female: Paul's Theology of Ethnic, Social and Gender Inclusiveness in Romans 16," in P. Oakes, ed., Rome in the Bible and the Early Church (Carlisle and Grand Rapids: Paternoster and Baker, 2002), p. 112.

  no. Noy, Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers, p. 262.

  ill. R. Bauckham, "Joanna the Apostle," in Gospel Women: Studies in the Named Women in the Gospels (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2002), ch. 5, and pp. 182-86 for a discussion of a list of names.

  112. M. H. Burer and D. B. Wallace, "Was Junia Really an Apostle? A Re-examination of Rom 16:7," NTS 47 (2001): 76-91, which is a substantial linguistic study with a careful annotation of the recent secondary discussion.

  113. Bauckham, Gospel Women: Studies in the Named Women in the Gospels, pp. 172-80.

  114. Bauckham, Gospel Women: Studies in the Named Women in the Gospels, pp. 181.

  115. Bauckham, Gospel Women: Studies in the Named Women in the Gospels, pp. 186.

  n6. Bauckham with his vast knowledge of Second Temple Judaism has mounted a substantial case, and it is not possible in any way to do full justice to it in relation to Joanna in this final chapter. The expansion of the meaning of the term `apostle' cannot be denied. However, did it occur in so short a time after writing that the apostles had the right to carry about a wife, i Cor. 9:5 - the inference being that they were all men - that in Rom. 16:7 the term included not only Andronicus but also his wife Junia?

  117. Noy, Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers, p. 259, has assumed that both husband and wife engaged in the trade of tentmaking, but Acts 18:3 is silent on the issue, while Paul and Aquila shared the same trade.

  n8. Epigrammata Graeca, 243b.

  120. For the most recent discussions see M. Y. MacDonald, "Reading Real Women through the Undisputed Letters of Paul," and "Rereading Paul: Early Interpreters of Paul on Women and Gender," in R. S. Kraemer and M. R. D'Angelo, eds., Women and Christian Origins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), chs. 9, n, and A. D. Clarke, "Jew and Greek, Slave and Free, Male and Female: Paul's Theology of Ethnic, Social and Ge
nder Inclusiveness in Romans 16;" ch. 4.

  n9. See n. 2 and the challenge of MacMullen and Judge on the use of epigraphic evidence.

  1. D. Pallas et al., `Inscriptions lyciennes trouvees a Solomos pres de Corinthe; Bulletin de correspondance hellenique 83 (1959): 496-508; SEG 18 (1962): 143 with supplements at 11.54-55, 6465, 74-75 by L. Robert, `Decret de la Confederation Lycienne a Corinthe; Revue des etudes anciennes 62 (1960): 331, n. 1; 332; 326, n. 3 = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 22 (1967), no. 232; Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 23 (1968), no. 176; contra Robert G. Klaffenbach, `Miscellanea epigraphica; Klio 48 (1967): 54, n. 3, who proposes xpars[uovTa] at 1. 55. Line 65: ... a rr v] T[tµfoat ... (Kearsley).

  2. L. Robert, `Inscriptions de Chios du ler siecle de notre ere, 1;tudes epigraphiques et philologiques (Paris: Champion, 1938), 133-34.

  3. J. and L. Robert, `Bulletin epigraphique, Revue des etudes grecques 69 (1956): 152-53, no. 213.

  4. J. Keil, `Inschriften; in Forschungen in Ephesos III (Vienna, 1923), 94-95, no. 3; R. Merit, R. Merkelbach, J. Nolle, and S. Sahin, eds., Die Inschriften von Ephesos (Inschriften griechischer Stadte aus Kleinasien 17/1; Habelt: Bonn, 1981), VILi, no. 3003.