Confederate Union

by Alan Sewell

  He would editorialize that Douglas had the opportunity to become one of the great American Presidents, in the tradition of George Washington, if he adopted President Washington’s view that the state governments were the supreme instruments of civil governance while the Federal Government must be the supreme instrument of national economic governance. Greeley thought that idea over again and liked it. Maybe all would yet be well with Douglas having his romp in Mexico and the Canadas --- if he could also be persuaded to work with the Republicans in Congress to strengthen the federal authority over business law. Let the Democrats have their land and slaves and the Republicans have their industry and commerce!

  While Greeley penned the outline of his article the procession continued down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol. There the Presidential party stopped at the Senate Chamber. Buchanan’s outgoing Vice President John Breckinridge warmly embraced his friend Jefferson Davis. In the presence of Senators, Congressmen, and foreign dignitaries, Jefferson Davis would take the oath of office as Vice President. But first he gave a speech reaffirming his devotion to the entire Confederate Union, including his affection for the New England States and the “rising states” of the Northwest and California. “All states, old and new, North and South, East and West, are valued residents of our House of Confederate Union.”

  Greeley noted that for the moment relations between the North and South didn’t appear to be particularly hostile. Tennessee Senator Andrew Johnson, soon to be the Postmaster General in Douglas’ Cabinet, stood off in the corner gossiping with New York Senator William Seward. Johnson pulled out a flask of his ever present “medicinal whiskey” and shared it with Seward, then began telling a story. Judging by the expression on Seward’s face it was probably ribald.

  President-elect Douglas saw the flask and made a beeline for it, grabbing the whiskey out of Johnson’s hands and taking a giant snort. He winced playfully at Johnson, perhaps inferring that the whiskey was crudely made moonshine. The three kept laughing and passing the flask around while Jefferson Davis droned on from the podium.

  Davis finished and took the oath of office. The audience in the Senate Chamber then followed Douglas outside the Capitol and stood before a crowd of tens of thousands. Before taking the oath of office Douglas gave his inaugural speech. The sun parted as Douglas passed his hat to Davis. Douglas spoke in the windy sunlight.

  Fellow-Citizens of the Confederate Union:

  I appear before you to take the office of President. I will follow the precedent of giving a brief Inaugural Address for the purpose of vindicating the course which it will be my duty to pursue upon the great public questions now before the country.

  Our paramount duty at this time must be to defend our Confederate Union from assault by foes external and internal.

  In the external sphere we have learned of the design by certain European Powers to extend a hegemonic empire over our Continent. The seat of their Empire is to be Mexico. Their pretext for usurping the Mexican Republic is the alleged state of disorder in that country, a result of the ongoing conflict between Reformers and Conservatives, which is said not only to be an affront to civilization but to have caused the default of Mexico’s debt obligations.

  I do not need to tell you that this usurpation of the government and territory of a North American Republic is a trespass upon the Monroe Doctrine, an insult to the American people, and a threat to the interests of the Confederate Union of States, which are destined by Providence to become coextensive with the Northern Continent. The Confederate Union is sovereign upon this continent and cannot allow for the encroachment of a foreign power upon any inch of its soil.

  To prevent their acquisition by an alien power we hereby invite the Republic of Mexico to enter into our Confederate Union. We also invite the Dominions of British North America into our Union, and I ask Congress to appropriate such sum as will be considered fair compensation for our purchase of said Dominions.

  Let me turn now to those domestic mischief-makers who are continuing to sow discord by their unceasing agitation over slavery.

  This Confederate Union can only be preserved by maintaining the fraternal feeling between the North and the South, the East and the West. If that good feeling can be preserved, the Union will be as perpetual as the fame of its great founders. It can be maintained by preserving the sovereignty of the States, the right of each State and each Territory to settle its domestic concerns for itself, and the duty of each to refrain from interfering with the other in any of its local or domestic institutions. Let that be done, and the Union will be perpetual; let that be done, and this Republic, which began with thirteen States, and which now numbers thirty-three, which, when it began, only extended from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, but now reaches to the Pacific, may yet expand North and South, until it covers the whole Continent, and becomes one vast ocean-bound confederacy.

  But certain Abolitionists desire the destruction of this great Republic. They have invited a war of the North against the South, warfare of the Free States against the slaveholding States.

  And why? Because they say that the Declaration of Independence contains this language: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Then they declare that “all men” includes Negroes.

  Well, I confess to you, my fellow-citizens, that I am utterly opposed to that system of Abolition philosophy. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were speaking of the White race, the European race on this continent, and their descendants, and emigrants who should come here. They were speaking only of the White Race, and never dreamed that their language would be used in an attempt to make this nation a mixed nation of Indians, Negroes, Whites, and Mongrels.

  This was the great issue of the recent election. The result is there for all to see. We will expect the Free States to honor the Constitution and to comply with their obligation thereunder to honor in all its particulars the Fugitive Slave Laws, as nobly as they have complied with all the other laws of the land.

  My friends, the path of duty, of honor, of patriotism, is plain. We have established this Confederate Union on the fundamental basis of State Sovereignty, the right of each State to decide for itself the character of its domestic institution without interference or imposition from any other state. Bear in mind the dividing line between State rights and Federal authority; let us maintain the great principles of sovereignty, of State rights, and of the Confederate Union as the Constitution has made it, and this Republic will endure forever. We will maintain domestic tranquility while expanding our boundaries from the center of this continent to the oceans that surround it.

  Confederate Union, United Expansion!

  13

  2nd Cleveland Convention, March 27, 1861

  Abraham Lincoln was enjoying after-dinner tea with John Fremont, Congressman John Sherman, Senator William Seward, and William Lloyd Garrison in a quiet private anteroom set back from the Weddell House’s main dining room. They were the Second Free State Convention’s Platform Committee --- the committee of five chosen by the delegates to decide how the convention would represent itself to the nation and the world.

  This Second Free State Convention, called by Congressional Republicans to follow the adjournment of Congress on March 21, had more formality than the First Convention. Every Free State Governor, except the Democrats elected in Illinois, Indiana, California, and Oregon, were in attendance, as were many Republican Senators and Congressmen, and Republican newspaper owners. Thousands of Wide Awakes from all over the North loitered around the edges of the convention, singing Republican campaign songs and marching in torchlight processions by night.

  This convention had been called in response to Douglas’ Declaration of Protection of Mexico --- his euphemism for the preemptive military conquest of Mexico before the French had time to arrive there in force. French Emperor Napoleon III had, a
s expected, ordered his fleet to seize the port of Vera Cruz ostensibly to collect customs duties in lieu of the payments in arrears on his Mexican bonds. Now his army had begun debarking in numbers that could only be the preparation for marching up the well-travelled invasion route into Mexico City, first used by the Conquistadores in the 1500’s and last used by the Americans in 1847. Douglas intended to preempt him by annexing Mexico first, as he had promised Davis in the Compact.

  “We’ve got to side with Douglas on this one,” insisted Seward. “The Monroe Doctrine is a national issue that rises above partisanship. We need to show the people that our party is as patriotic in its defense as any Douglas Democrat.”

  “Then let Douglas present Congress with a proper declaration of war,” retorted Congressman Sherman. “You know full well that he’s devolving the war on to the states because he knows we’ll never approve of his scheme to annex Mexico as Slave States.”

  Seward piddled with his cup. “He’s promised to get us the Canadas after he’s done with Mexico. The Canadas will augment the Free States more than Mexico will augment the Slave States. Perhaps we should keep our silence about Mexico. It’s the patriotic thing to do and it will further our interests in getting the Canadas.”

  “You’re missing the point!” exclaimed Sherman, nearly shouting. “Neither the Mexicans or the Canadians have volunteered to be Americans! And the Congress sure as hell hasn’t approved a war to conquer them and bring them into the country against their will!”

  Fremont milling around nearby put his hand on Seward’s shoulder. “We can’t let Douglas turn this whole country over to slavery, even if he promises us Heaven itself. We’ve got to draft resolutions disavowing our participation in the Mexican scheme. And we’ve got to let Douglas know that under no circumstances will we allow the Dred Scott Decision to be construed as a license for slave raids into the Free States. We need to draft these resolutions and get them to the Free State legislatures for ratification. Unless we do there’s no reason why Douglas should take us seriously.”

  Lincoln put down his cup. “Let’s not be in such a hurry to kick Douglas in the pants when he is about to stumble over his untied shoelaces. Let’s see first of all if he backs down from the threat of war by the Europeans. If he does he’ll look foolish enough without us saying a word. If he does go to war he’ll bankrupt every Slave State trying to pay for it. Let’s just make sure that everybody in our party understands why we can’t vote to fund the war from the national treasury. Douglas says it’s a Slave State war. Then let the Slave States bear the cost of it.”

  “Douglas is a sneaky son of a bitch,” replied Fremont. “You know he’s going to use the war to whip up a patriotic fervor to drive us out of office in ’62. After he gets rid of us he’ll ask Congress to assume the Slave States’ war debts. If we don’t oppose him now, we won’t be able to later.”

  Lincoln, deep in thought, stood up with his cup of hot tea, opened the door, and walked into the dining room. He noticed the poetic plaque on the wall:

  Man's life is like a Winter's day;

  Some only breakfast and away;

  Others to dinner stay and are well fed

  The oldest but sups and goes to bed,

  Long is his life who lingers out the day

  Who goest soonest has the least to pay.

  Tho' I owed much, I hope long trust is given,

  And truly mean to pay all bills in Heaven.

  The playful poem put him in good humor. He suddenly thought of a story that might persuade Fremont and Garrison to soften their position. He came back into the anteroom and sat back down. Leaning back in his chair he started the story: “Our situation reminds me of a party of Methodist parsons from the country who were travelling together to Chicago.”

  The other men leaned forward in anticipation of another of Lincoln’s stories, which were always told in a backwoods vernacular that made them all the funnier. Lincoln acknowledged their attention with a wink and continued with gusto.

  “Well, they got to Springfield ten minutes after the afternoon train had left the station. For three hours two of the parsons set there discussin’ and considerin’ how to get to Chicago. One favored buyin’ a flatboat and paddlin’ up the river while another favored goin’ back to git their horses and makin’ a ride of it. One of the parsons remained silent all through this tedious debate. Finally one of the others asked, ‘What say you, Brother Joseph?’ Brother Joseph answered, ‘I say we wait right here fer the evenin’ train.’”

  The men laughed.

  “Abe, you should have been elected President!” exclaimed Fremont. “Lord knows, but that the people would enjoy a man with a sense of humor in that capital of pompous bigheads.”

  Seward gulped his rum-stiffened tea then laughed. “Now, John, you wouldn’t be including yourself in that crowd of bigheads, would you?”

  The men roared with laughter. Fremont, whose explorations had gone a long way toward winning the West, had an ego every bit as large as the territories he had done so much to acquire for the United States. His delight in pomp and pageantry annoyed his colleagues from California to Washington City but were a part of his popular mystique. His accent mixed the Southern dialect of Savannah and Charleston where he had been raised with the French he had picked up from his father and from his travels in Europe. Though widely regarded as a Yankee Abolitionist, he had embedded in his demeanor a bit of the South, the West, the North, and even a bit of European royalty. Fremont’s worldliness complemented Lincoln’s backwoods wit.

  Though easily offended, Fremont seemed to take Lincoln’s and Seward’s comments in good humor. “A wonderful story, Abe, but poignant as it was, it nevertheless has a deficiency. The deficiency is that the 1864 ‘train’ will not have room for us. It will be fully booked by Democrats.”

  “Why should that be?” Lincoln asked. “We fell only a few thousand votes short in Illinois and Indiana this time around. The way our population is growing, we’ll have seventy-five thousand new voters in Illinois and twenty-five in Indiana in ‘64. Those will mostly be our voters. They will take us straight to the White House.”

  “Think again,” said Fremont. “Why do you suppose California and Oregon voted against us two-to-one? We lost as much because of them as because of Illinois or Indiana. California and Oregon don’t have a single slave owner and yet they vote the same as South Carolina or Mississippi. Why do you think that is?”

  “I’d hazard a guess that it’s because the territorial governors were appointed by Polk and Pierce,” explained Lincoln. “They had plenty of time to pack the territorial governments with Southern Democrats who influenced the votes of the first settlers. But now that you mention it, I expect that California and Oregon will be voting with us soon too. There will surely be more Free State emigrants into those territories than Slave State men.”

  “It won’t be like that,” said Fremont shaking his head. By now the others were following the conversation with interest. “Let me ask you: where are your new immigrant voters in Illinois coming from?”

  “Well…..mostly from where you’d expect. New York, New England, Pennsylvania. Some from Ohio. And of course there’s the Dutch.”

  “And what do these immigrants do when they arrive?” asked Fremont.

  “They clear the land and build farms, most of them do.”

  “And how much unsettled land is there left in Illinois?”

  “Not as much as there used to be,” said Lincoln, suddenly beginning to feel uncomfortable. “There’s still untilled land available for purchase up around Galena. Not the best land by a long shot, but workable. There’s still some patches of untilled land from Springfield to the Mississippi and south of there. Again, not the best land, but productive enough for those willing to do the work. But I do see your point. The best lands, especially in eastern and central Illinois are settled.”

  “And who’s going to come into Illinois when the last of the unsettled land is occupied?”

  Lincoln pa
used to think about that. The untilled farmland in Illinois would be gone in ten years, if it lasted that long. But Chicago’s growth would continue attracting new settlers into the state. He answered, “The manufactories, railroads, and commercial enterprises in Chicago are accepting the labor of all who apply. Any man who gets off the morning train can be gainfully employed by afternoon.”

  “And how do these laborers in Chicago vote?”

  Lincoln paused again. “Most of them vote…”

  John Sherman finished the sentence. “That’s right, Abe, most of them vote Democratic. I see what John is getting at. The country’s changing. We won’t be a nation of farmers for much longer. We’ve built some large industrial combinations that employ thousands of laborers. Just look around you here in Cleveland. What do you see? Factories and mills. The owners are Republicans. The workers aren’t.”

  Seward sighed. “That’s true in New York as well. The way New York City is growing I don’t know if we’ll be able to hold on to the state much longer. Lots of Irishmen are arriving in Boston too. Let me tell you, they’re no friends of Republicans or Negroes. They say, ‘A Negro will do any job for less than a White man.’ The Democrats have really got their hooks into those people. They’ve convinced them that the Negroes are only interested in taking their jobs and marrying their daughters. They tell them that we’re the party of ‘Nigger equality.’”

  “Out in California we don’t get the immigrant vote either,” agreed Fremont. “We’ve got a lot of Italians in San Francisco. Most of them have joined the Democrats. The Southerners who came in with the territorial governments taught them to despise Republicans and Negroes. And don’t think that Douglas won’t be appointing his Southern friends to the territorial governments in Colorado, Utah, New Mexico, and the territories that will be split off from Nebraska. He’ll turn those territories into Democrat fiefdoms too. They’ll pin us back into the Northeast and then they’ll turn our industrial workers against us. If we don’t act now to get ourselves out from under those people, it will be too late. We can’t wait until 1864.”