A Majority of Scountrels - Don Berry

by Don Berry

  So Bill Sublette had brought it off, in the face of what appeared to be complete defeat. ln the mystery that surrounds these transactions in New York, there is one principal question that calls for answer. What leverage did Sublette have?

  There were several elements. First of all, the impending reorganization of the Company put them in a vulnerable position. When John Jacob Astor retired, American Fur would no longer be able to call on his enormous cash reserves in emergency; there would be no more $12 prices to ensure that "all peltries [would] be secured for the A.F.Co." They would not, in future; be able to afford this kind of competition. (In the letter to McKenzie quoted above, the St. Louis house referred to Astor’s withdrawal: "As a consequence of this change we have found it necessary to make an arrangement with Mr. Sublette.")1

  A second handicap sustained by Astor’s retirement was the loss of some of the Company’s political influence, which was also expensive. And they could not afford any more trouble with the government. With the robbery of Fitzpatrick, the famous still of McKenzie, and one or two other affairs, they were treading on thin ice indeed. So far, with the assistance of Astor's political influence, they had been able to weather the storms of adverse opinion fairly well; but that could change overnight. Ramsay Crooks himself expressed their jeopardy thus:

  . . .we are looked upon by many as an association determined to engross the trade of the upper Missouri, by fair means if we can, but by foul proceedings if nothing short will ensure our objects. With such a reputation it becomes us to be more than usually circumspect in all we do. Every eye is upon us, and whoever can will annoy us with all his heart.

  For this reason Crooks, in New York, had advised against McKenzie’s distillery, but, as we have seen, the project went ahead anyway, with results that were eventually embarrassing for the Company and disastrous for McKenzie personally. Thus, in view of the increasing scrutiny to which they were being subjected, the Company would be hamstrung in its competitive tactics.

  Thirdly:

  to keep Sublette from purchasing a new equipment and from connecting himself with houses that were making him all sorts of offers. His reputation and that of his patron, Ashley, whatever may be the cause, are far above their worth. Nevertheless such is the fact and it is enough to procure them unlimited credit. It is this which induced us to offer to buy them out.

  A fourth factor, and the one with which I am most concerned here, was Sublette’s virtual control over RMP. I have previously shown how this control came to exist, through the simple means of picking up all debts outstanding, until the finances of RMF were totally in Sublette’s hands. They were deeply in debt to him, and it now remains to see how Sublette used the debt to force them out of business; thus, in Hugh Campbell’s words, 'setting at rest all competition."

  Sublette returned to Philadelphia after his victory in New York. It was about the 4th of February when he arrived, and he stayed there with Hugh Campbell for almost two weeks. On about the 16th he left for St. Louis. His original intent is made clear, again by Hugh Campbell to Robert:

  A few days after Mr. Sublettes departure I wrote you . . . At that time I had supposed that he would have proceeded at a very early day up the Missouri to aid you in carrying into effect the late arrangement with the AM. F C°:—Believing that his stay in St. Louis would have been very short, I did not forward any more letters . . . for I expected both of you would have been (back) in St. Louis in July or Aug."

  So, at the time of the "partition of Poland," Bill had no plans for returning to the mountains in 1834. However, when he arrived back in St. Louis his plans were abruptly changed.

  During the winter an express had arrived in St. Louis from the mountains. Sublette's old traveling companion Black Harris had made another winter overland, this time in company with the alcoholic Dr. Harrison. They carried (at least) two letters from Tom Fitzpatrick, one of them to General Ashley—which was quoted above—and the other to Milton Sublette:

  I am sorry to have to relate to you I unfortunately met with the Crow Vilage, [Fitzpatrick began], and was robed of every thing . . . [he then details the company-instigated attack] . . . However it is not quite so bad as you may Suppose Bridger and Myself have on hand about twenty three packs of Beaver furr. [Say, 2,200 lbs. = $7,700 St. Louis, not counting any deductions.]

  Fitz goes on to sketch in the whereabouts of the other RMF parties of the fall '33 hunt. Then:

  the understanding between you and My Self will have to remain in the Same State you left it until Our Meeting next Summer as the partis are absent I have been uneasy ever Since we parted about Our aramgents with Wyeth. however it may terminate well but still I dread it. I have an Idea we will Stand in Need of a large Supply of Madz [Merchandise] at rendezvous as the Spanish companis will meet us there and there is now a party of them with Fraeb I wish you to work Wyeth as advantageous and Secure as possible Studdy well the articles of profit Liquor will be much wanting. I well Know and indeed all groceris come as soon as possible to the rendesvous and look Out for the Crows on your Way up I believe they will be hostile to all partis here after: they have i good encouragmt from the A F Co .. . dont gon So high up on SeetsKiddee as horse Creek Strike Some where about the Mouth of Sandy and remain until we come.

  It was through this letter to his brother that Bill Sublette first learned that he had more competition to meet than American Fur, and it must have been a shock. Milton had been very quiet about it. During the time they were together at Fort Wil1iam—and on the boat trip downriver—nothing whatever had been said about an agreement with Wyeth. And then again, when they had been together at Hugh Campbell’s house in Philadelphia (just after Bill's coup in New York), there was no intimation of any such thing. Milton was wisely keeping his own counsel.

  How did Bill have access to a letter intended for his brother? Wyeth’s guess is most likely correct: The letter to Milton was "sent by Doctor Harrison who opened it and I presume told Wm Sublette."

  In the face of this infomation, Bill changed his plans suddenly, and decided to get into the mountains as fast as he could, to foreclose the RMF debt.

  This is a tricky point. Until now it has always been assumed that Sublette’s trip in the spring of '34 was a routine supplying venture; that it was straight competition, as with previous races to rendezvous by supply parties. It has also been assumed that he knew all about Wyeth’s arrangement at the time. Sublette’s biographer has stated that 'The solution was simple: Sublette had to beat him [Wyeth] there; show him up as second rate.” Part of the confusion among scholars has been caused by the fact that the above letter was thought to have been addressed to William, rather than Milton. (It is so labeled in the manuscript collection of the Missouri Historical Society.) This is not the case. (I was under this impression during the original draft of this book. Clearly, had it been intended for Bill, it would have amounted to outright betrayal of RMF by Fitzpatrick; and so I originally wrote. This would have been a bad misevaluation of Fitz.)2

  The true state of Sublette’s knowledge and his motives for going to the mountains at this crucial time are expressed in Hugh Campbell’s letter to Robert. This was written on April 5, 1834. He states Sublette’s original intent to proceed up the Missouri (as quoted above) and continues:

  Within a few days I have had two letters from Mr. S announcing his intention of getting up a small outfit with about 20 men & proceeding direct to the mountains. I am aware that you will receive a full explanation of his motives for this expedition—yet I cannot avoid giving you a brief outline of what I understand to be his reasons for the movement. In the first place he designs sending up his youngest brother [Solokon; most certainly not Milton, as stated in Bill Sublette, Mountain Man] by the Am. F Co. boat with letters and papers to you, from which he thinks you can carry into effect the settlement entered into, as well as if he were personally present. He therefore thinks that he will not be required in that direction & that his presence is needed elsewhere.

  Captain Wyeth has ma
de an arrangement with the Rocky Mountain F. Co the nature of which has not fully transpired. It is believed that he is to furnish their supplies at 150 per cent on first cost & take furs in payment in the Mountains at` $4. [This information Bill Sublette would have gotten from Dr. Harrison, who was present on the Bighorn at the time of this supposedly secret agreement between RMF and Wyeth.] The R. Mountain F Co are likely to dissolve shortly. This and the arrangement with Capt Wyeth are likely to operate against the goodness of the debt due you & Mr. S. by the Company. You will now perceive the object of the present expedition which is got up promptly with the view of collecting the debt & perhaps laying the foundation for future operations. [Italics mine.]

  It is difficult to see how an arrangement that would put RMF on a much sounder financial basis—by providing them with supplies at half the previous cost—would operate against the goodness of the debt. Rather, it would seem to have made payment that much more likely. My own theory of these events is this:

  (1) Bill Sublette expected RMF to fold. ('The R. Mountain F Co are likely to dissolve shortly.")

  (2) But with their new, and supposedly secret, arrangement with Wyeth, the company’s prospects were much better. (That they had no intention of going out of business is indicated by the plans for future—and expanded—relations with Wyeth, and by the first document of sale which refers to Fraeb as "late of the firm of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company" and to the "remaining partners of said Company." Even after Bill’s arrival there was every intention of remaining in business, short-lived though it was.)

  (3) When Bill learned of RMF’s improved prospects, he was abruptly forced to change his own plans. ("His presence is needed elsewhere.") He had to go into the mountains and ensure the collapse of the firm. He knew from Fitzpatrick’s intercepted letter to Milton that the year’s catch would not nearly clear the debt, and foreclosing at this time would seem to operate against his own, interests. Why the sudden urgency?

  (4) It can be explained by the strong possibility that the early collapse of RMF had been promised—or at least intimated—in Bill’s agreement with American Fur in New York, and was one of the conditions of that agreement. ('. . . setting at rest all competition.") If RMF collapsed on schedule, the company would return to the mountains after their promised year’s absence as sole proprietors. This was more desirable than ever in their new, more tenuous position after the reorganization. If Sublette could offer such assurance, it would have been a powerful bargaining point. In view of the failure of Sublette & Campbell’s field operations, he needed one.

  (5). But if RMF’s arrangement with Wyeth worked out, they could remain successfully in competition with American Fur. Bill had to be certain it did not work out, and the surest way was to put the company out of business. By reason of his financial control he was in a position to do it. Collection of the debt would leave RMF without return for the season and without money to buy supplies for the following year. In short, completely bankrupt, and unable ever again to annoy the American Fur Company.

  So it was that in April, 1834, Bill Sublette set out to ring down the curtain on the Rocky Mountain Fur Company. It is my contention that he did so in order to fulfill the terms of his agreement with American Fur, which had been jeopardized by the willingness of a Yankee ice-merchant to give the trappers a fair break on their supplies, and that the action was triggered by information gotten from a rifled letter intended for his brother.

  ***

  I am painting a dark picture of a highly respected man. I’ve been forced to do this because it is the only way in which I’ve been able to read the documents concerned: account books, letters, articles of agreement, and so forth. But it would be grossly unfair not to register a dissenting opinion on Sublette’s character from a source contemporary with him. I think most eulogies on public figures—which Sublette certainly was, then and later—may be taken with a good helping of salt. This one, however, is from a man whose judgment cannot be ignored, Hugh Campbell. Reading Campbell’s letters raises a vivid and inescapable image of the man. And Campbell is one whose opinions would be well worth listening to, then or now: intelligent, honorable, witty—and, above all, a man of excellent perception. Here from his letters to Robert, are a few of his evaluations of Bill Sublette—and it should be remembered that Campbell detested the business into which Sublette had drawn Robert, and might I normally have been expected to hold this against him.

  So long as you do continue in the business, I trust you will be associated with Mr Sublette—a man to whom I have become strongly attached, from his love of truth, high sense of honour, kindness of heart & sound Judgement in every department of business.

  [Sublette is here and] his company is so desirable and my time (after business hours) is so pleasantly occupied with him that I deduct from sleeping hours in order [to write you].

  You will of course make liberal allowances for my, letters written . . . while such society is amongst us.

  In fairness, the deep friendship Sublette engendered in Hugh Campbell ought to be placed in the scales against my own evaluation a century and a quarter after the fact."

  II

  Nathanial Wyeth was back in Cambridge by the first week of November, and started the always-unpleasant job of getting backing for the party. In one proposal he frankly admits that he had no expectation of great profit; the enterprise is a beginning, a tentative step:

  The contract as you will perceive will amt. to little more than carrying me into the Indian country free of expense and procuring the business of a very efficient concern, in this light I hold it to be valuable.

  He discovered, somewhat to his dismay, that he had more to contend with than the normally expected inertia of backers. The young deserter John B. Wyeth had, in the manner of travelers before and since, written a book about his adventure in the West. (Or, rather, had it written for him by Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse.) The villain of the piece was, of course, Nat Wyeth, who appears as a sort of drunken, power-mad Nero of the mountains. Other deserters had written defamatory letters which, in the eastern hunger for western news, had been duly published in newspapers.

  In the process of justifying their own actions—which included theft of horses from the party—these men painted an extraordinarily black picture of Wyeth himself, and one that has warped historical evaluation of him ever since. While disproof of many of these unflattering contentions would have been easy enough, Wyeth knew perfectly well that retractions are printed on back pages in smaller type, a practice sufficiently maintained to our own day; the damage was done, and there was little chance of repairing it:

  Had I been in the country at the time the case would have been different. The injury is now done and thousands have read the slander who can never see the answer, even if I should make one.

  In the end he made no attempt at personal justification. He simply set out in his persistent way to raise backing for the second expedition, and his energy and persistence were more than a match for the slanders. In spite of the fact that his first expedition had been an unqualified and profitless failure, he had remarkably little difficulty in securing financial backing for the second. (His principal financers were Henry Hall and Messrs. Tucker & Williams of Boston. Wyeth himself engaged for 25 per cent of the profits, if any.)

  Two weeks after his arrival in Cambridge—two weeks of frantic activity—Wyeth was able to write Milton: "I am now ready to fulfil the contract made with Mr. Fitzpatric and yourself on . . . Big Horn River and to request that you will as soon as possible come to N. York."

  (This letter was sent to Milton through a St. Louis firm with the explicit caution: "I request that you will be careful to avoid passing it through the hands of his brother Wm. L.

  Sublette.")

  The general outline of Wyeth’s plan was not much different from his first. He engaged the brig May Dacre to carry supplies around the Horn. The notion of the salmon fishing industry still appealed to him, and the May Dacre was also to be outfitted for that line of busi
ness. He gave his new company the title of Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company.

  To the Rev. Clark Perry he outlined the entire business better than I could paraphrase it:

  In regard to what I propose now I answer the same as at first viz. to make money out of the fur trade. So far I have lost some money and have gained some experience and hope yet to make out. Am now fitting out a Bg. to go round the Horn to Bring out some goods and bring home a cargo of Salmon. lst March next I shall go to St. Louis and start overland again with some goods which I have contracted to deliver to a concern in the mts. with the furs received go to the mouth of the Columbia and send them home by my Brig take the goods which she has brought out, and up again to the mountains exchange goods for furs employ residue of year in trapping Beaver until salmon season (having left men making barrels through the winter) This done another vessell comes . . . takes the salmon and collections of the year. I take of her more goods and so the same round again.

  On this expedition Wyeth was to carry with him a figure who loomed tall in the history of Oregon for the next twenty years. This was the Rev. Jason Lee, Methodist: the first ripple of the tidal wave of missionary activity that soon engulfed the West. This mission, under Lee and his nephew Daniel, was originally destined for the Flatheads, but, when `the time came, moved straight on to Oregon and the Willamette valley. (Bernard DeVoto sees Jason Lee as an emissary of "the Continental Mind". It may be so. There is, at least, no more satisfactory explanation for the missionary’s behavior. See DeVoto‘s Across the Wide Missouri for an excellent brief survey of conditions leading up to the Methodist Mission to the Flatheads.)

  In addition to the missionaries, Wyeth also acquired two other supplemental travelers this winter; these were of a scientific bent.

  On his first expedition Wyeth had made natural history collections for his friend Thomas Nuttall, the curator of the Botanical Garden at Harvard College. Now Nuttall wanted to go along, and with him the young John Kirk Townsend (whose Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains is one of the most valuable of sources).