The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life

by Richard J. Herrnstein

  33 Almost as all-encompassing a thesis as Rushton’s is Richard Lynn’s account of the evolution of racial differences in intelligence in terms of the ancestral migrations of groups of early hominids from the relatively benign environments of Africa to the harsher and more demanding Eurasian latitudes (Lynn 1991c), where they branched into the Caucasoids and Mongoloids. Such theories were not uncommon among anthropologists and biologists of a generation or two ago (e.g., Darlington 1969). As the biological outlook on human behavior became controversial, this kind of theorizing has almost vanished. The modern version relies much more on psychological measurements of contemporary populations than the earlier version.

  Appendix 7

  1 For a comprehensive discussion, see Epstein 1992.

  2 Any one of these court cases may involve heroic efforts: “Some courts have expressed concern at the spectacle of trials lasting for weeks, following years of discovery, and involving a multitude of statistical and other experts and seemingly endless testimony about the credentials of a single [job] candidate.” Bartholet 1982, p. 1002.

  3 Quoted in Patterson 1989, p. 87.

  4 Patterson 1989.

  5 Patterson 1989.

  6 401 U.S. 424 (1971).

  7 Lynch 1991; Murray 1984; Patterson 1989.

  8 For a clear account, see Patterson 1989.

  9 401 U.S. 432.

  10 Ibid.

  11 There is good evidence that the Duke Power Co. had no discriminatory intent in using the test or the educational credential; it was using the same criteria at a time when it was frankly pursuing a race-segregationist hiring policy. This earlier conduct gives credence to its claim that it wanted to improve its employees’ intellectual level.

  12 Some legal scholars criticize the Court for not having interpreted the Constitution itself, in the Fourteenth Amendment, as providing protection against disparate impact (e.g., Tribe 1988).

  13 Ironically, the particular wording in the relevant part of Title VII was an accommodation to one of the act’s most uneasy opponents, Senator John Tower of Texas, who was concerned that the law not be used in precisely the manner that, in Griggs, the court ruled that it should be used (Wilson 1972).

  14 For an excellent discussion, see Espstein 1992, whose reading of the record strongly confirms ours. Epstein makes the point that had the Congress known in 1964 what interpretation the Court was to place on Title VII in Griggs, it “would have gone down to thundering defeat” (p. 197). From the legislative record, that appears to us to be a fair assessment.

  15 Quoted in Wilson 1972, pp. 854ff.

  16 Quotes attributed to S. Rep. 92-415, 92d Cong., 1st sess. 5 (1971), the report of the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, in Patterson 1989.

  17 Wilson 1972.

  18 Bartholet 1982, p. 958.

  19 422 U.S. 405 (1975).

  20 Our discussion here has drawn on Braun 1992.

  21 Courts other than the Supreme Court have imposed on the employer itself the burden of seeking less discriminatory alternatives (Patterson, 1989).

  22 For references to the relevant government documents, see Patterson 1989.

  23 For a similar conclusion, and some detail to back it up, see Potter 1986.

  24 490 U.S. 642 (1989).

  25 490 U.S. 659.

  26 Cathcart and Snyderman 1992.

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