The Patriot

by Nigel Tranter

  So they worked side by side before the fire, that chilly day of early May, he on the Militia discourse, she on the Scottish Affairs one, each frequently interrupting the other, to read out this passage or that for comment; whilst young Andrew sought to put together the corrected and as yet unnumbered sheets in approximate order, with constant demands for guidance and unnecessary questions.

  Margaret, impressed as she was by the clarity, penetration and scope of it all, was just a little concerned over the possibility, indeed probability, of giving offence in certain quarters. She agreed that it was almost impossible not to, in dealing with political and governmental matters; but felt that certain personal references might perhaps be toned down and actual names omitted. After all, anybody with any knowledge of the subject would know who was meant and who was pilloried, in almost every case, without having to risk angry repercussions by stating names in print - Lord Stair, for instance. And Lord Melville. Even Sir James Montgomery and the Reverend Carstairs. Andrew declared that this would enfeeble and emasculate all - not to be considered.

  They were debating this, the woman tactfully, the man vigorously, when the door opened to reveal Henry, with Johnnie Belhaven and a squat, tough-looking individual with a weather-beaten face, vaguely familiar to Andrew. There was a to-do of greetings and dogs.

  "Lord Belhaven has brought you a visitor, Dand," Henry said. "Captain Jamieson of the Company ship Olive Branch."

  "Ha -1 thought that I had seen you before, Captain. So you are back. You will have brought us news? From Darien? Or New Caledonia, as we must now call it. Here is Mrs. Fletcher-Mrs. Henry Fletcher."

  "Grave news, I fear, Andrew," Johnnie said. "Aye, sir - grave it is," the shipmaster agreed heavily. "Sorry as I am to be bringing it."

  "Darien, you mean . . . ? The Company?" "Aye."

  "But I understood that all was going well. After your uneventful voyage out and successful settling in there?"

  "Och, aye, that was fair enough, sir. We dodged yon English Admiral Benbow's frigates, that tried to stop us - we had the good fortune of a fog - and the landings and settlement went well enough. Although a wheen o' the gentry - if you will pardon me for saying it, sir - were right sweir to soil their white hands wi' honest toil! But after that . . . pch, well, it's a long story."

  "Sit down, then - sit down. A glass of wine?"

  "I shall see to refreshments, Andrew," Margaret said. "Come, children."

  Jamieson's account brought ever grimmer expressions to his hearers' faces. The five Scots ships had reached the Gulf of Darien safely, on November 3rd, in fair order and good morale, despite two or three deaths on the long and cramped voyage, and the efforts of the English warships to intercept. There was no opposition to their landing, indeed they were welcomed by the local Indians, the more so when they offered to buy all the land which the Indians would sell, an almost unheard-of proceeding, where Europeans considered any colonial territory inhabited by savages as theirs for the taking. They chose, for the first settlement area, level land at Acta, near the narrowest part of the isthmus, at the head of a sheltered bay with a good anchorage, in the lee of Golden Island. They named it New Caledonia, and the settlement New Edinburgh, and gave thanks to God for their safe arrival; one of their first activities, indeed, the building of a wooden church.

  So far so good. Whilst erecting hutments for the new town, warehouses and port facilities, they likewise and promptly built a stronghold, which they named Fort St. Andrew, on high ground behind the settlement area, for protection and as a possible refuge, moving into it the fifty cannon they had brought from home. Also they lost no time in trying out their skills at canal-building, under Dutch guidance, cutting an access across a low peninsula, to improve the approaches to the port in certain winds. Tree-felling and drainage and land-clearance for crop-planting progressed. Much cheap and even eager Indian labour was available, greatly facilitating this initial construction work.

  Nevertheless it was partly the plenitude of Indian labour which was behind the first signs of trouble. Although tasks were alloted to all, by Mr. Paterson and his lieutenants, many of the young Scots gentry, with siller in their pockets, saw no reason why they should toil like serfs when they could hire natives personally to do it for them. The other settlers, less well provided, resented this. So there were workers and idlers - and idle young men are always apt to get into mischief. The Indian women in especial attracted and were compliant, and there were protests from their menfolk. Mr. Paterson rebuked the trouble-makers, but he was not strong enough, as a leader, to enforce his will.

  Another difficulty was that they found that much of the provisioning brought out from Scotland was unsuitable for life in a hot climate; and until they could grow their own crops there were shortages, some of them serious. So missions were sent out to the English colonies to the north, to purchase the required supplies - and it was discovered that orders had been sent from London to all English governors that there was to be no trade or intercourse of any kind with the new colony, that these Scots were rebels against the King of England and were to be treated as foes, on the allegation that the whole Panama area belonged to Spain, by a declaration of a Spanish governor over a century before, although no recognition of this had been given hitherto, no settlements made, no Spanish presence attempted. So the missions returned empty-handed but with the threat of hostile activities by the English fleet in American waters, in support of King William's present policy of harmony with Spain in his efforts to keep a balance against the power of France.

  The Scots did not take the threat of hostilities seriously -until they were attacked by a Spanish expedition from Cartagena in Colombia, and this with the English fleet cruising in the offing. This attack was beaten off successfully, giving the lairdly element something to do at last. But it was ominous for the future and an indication that the colonists must devote more of their efforts and manpower to defence considerations.

  So passed the first four months. Then the situation became very different. Hitherto it had been winter, even though much hotter than any Scots summer. But with the damp heat ever increasing, and shortage of essential supplies weakening both the wills and the bodies of the settlers, fever and sickness set in, and with it disillusion, dissatisfaction and dissention. Mr. Paterson himself fell ill, with consequent weakening of the central authority. It was in the low coastal region that conditions were bad, with miasmas rising and mosquitoes in clouds; but the higher ground inland was cooler and healthy, and thither all who could, and many who should not, tended to remove themselves. With the result that essential works were neglected and the affairs of the colony stagnated. That was the situation when Captain Jamieson sailed for home, for help, supplies, guidance and reinforcements - especially for physicians and physics.

  Depressed and anxious at this sorry tale, the three other men cross-questioned the shipmaster. Was new leadership required? Who was responsible for the indiscipline? Surely there were plenty of potential leaders amongst the landed class? William Paterson should not have to act the governor. He was a banker not a leader of men. Was the climate in summer so bad that the colony was indeed not viable, at least on the low ground? They had been assured that the Darien territory was unclaimed by an European power. Was there any truth in this Spanish assertion?

  As to the last, Jamieson believed that there was none. Indeed it was the general opinion that the thing was an English invention, designed to give them a further excuse for ruining the Scots enterprise. King William was greatly concerned over the Spanish Succession situation and the balance of power in Europe, and so was anxious to please the Spaniards - and this would suit him, as well as the East India Company and their other powerful opponents in England. However the English had not actually taken part in the Spanish assault; so it seemed as though they were unwilling to engage in outright warfare, only to use underhand efforts. But the Scots could not be sure, and more arms, cannon, powder and militiamen were required; for New Caledonia, as well as having to cope w
ith heat, fever, lack of supplies and ineffectual leadership, felt itself to be almost in a state of siege; for if the Spanish, their nearest neighbours, were being encouraged to attack them, would not the French Caribbean colonists, the Portuguese and the Dutch reckon them to be fair game also?

  For long the four of them discussed the situation, trying to decide on the best course of action. Andrew felt inclined to go out to Darien himself, but the others pointed out to him that his place was more than ever here at home. Once the word got out in Scotland - as it undoubtedly would, sailors from the snip were bound to talk - there would be great unease and recriminations, as men worried about their investment. No, all Andrew's eloquence and energies would be required here. On the leadership question, they must send out some suitable and strong individuals, used to asserting authority; in especial an experienced military commander. For the rest, Jamieson's requirements regarding supplies, arms, ammunition and medicaments must be met, with all haste, and sent off. Also new colonists and militia recruited. They must all devote their most urgent efforts to this, and have the ship turned round and sailing with the very minimum of delay. Also strong representations must be made by the Scots government, through the Secretary of State and the Chancellor, to William and his London advisers, leaving them in no doubts as to Scotland's reactions. A campaign for possibly separating the crowns again might well be the most effective pressure they could bring, to aid their New Caledonian compatriots, Andrew suggested.

  It looked as though authorship and essay-publishing must be forgotten, for the present.

  * * *

  It made a busy summer and autumn for Andrew Fletcher, the affairs of the Darien Company demanding much of his time and patience and much from his pocket also. Straight away he and his colleagues were confronted with problems, for with speed over supplies and medicines for the colony the first priority, it was decided that the Olive Branch, large and slow and anyway requiring repairs, should be held back for a later voyage. A faster, lighter vessel had to be found and chartered, in haste; and in only a week or two Captain Jamieson sailed off in this, with its much-needed freight. They also shipped some personnel. Tried leaders could not be found and persuaded, at such short notice; but a few useful individuals, from amongst those previously disappointed, were enrolled - although the enthusiasm was markedly less than heretofore as rumours of difficulties and disappointments swept the country.

  Two more smaller vessels were despatched in August.

  By late September, however, the results of much hard work, and some very difficult supplementary financing, enabled a convoy of four more ships to sail, with the arms, munitions and no fewer than thirteen-hundred men, largely military. These included a veteran of the Continental wars, one Colonel Campbell of Finab, of the Earl of Argyll's Lorn Regiment, with one of his former officers, Captain Thomas Drummond, plus three hundred of his own Campbell militia - the Clan Campbell concerned for its investment. It was hoped that this Colonel Campbell would become in effect military governor of the colony, with William Paterson's backing. Also sailing were four ministers of the Kirk, to provide moral leadership, one of the two previous clergymen-colonists having died and the other fallen sick, when Jamieson left. The convoy sailed this time from the west coast, taking all the Campbells aboard at the Isle of Bute, to avoid possible interception by English warships ever lurking in the North Sea.

  Andrew and his friends could do little more meantime, although they continued to try to drum up reluctant finance. They had little difficulty in engineering a Scots official protest to King William; but this in due course produced only an entirely negative response, to the effect that "... the present juncture of affairs obliges the Kingdom of England to carry fair with that of Spain," and no commitments made anent improved attitudes. But it was hoped that the scarcely veiled threats made by the Scots, and the renewed talk of possibly separating the crowns once more, which Andrew busily promoted, would in fact cause William and the English government to take pause.

  And then, with the century turned, William Paterson himself arrived back at Saltoun, in late January 1700, broken almost in health but by no means in spirit. What he had to tell them was scarcely believable - New Caledonia was abandoned. Or had been, when he left it in June, for New York - although presumably the second expedition, of May, was there now. But the original settlers had given up, surrendered to English pressure, under-nourishment, sickness and dissention. It would all have to be done again.

  Appalled, Andrew listened and questioned. Paterson had been ill. No, it was not fever. The ignorant and the guilty were saying that it was the place, that Darien was fever-ridden, impossible for white men to inhabit, a death-trap. But it was not so. It was hot in summer, yes - scarcely to be wondered at, so near the Equator. And there were mosquitoes. But that was only at the coastal flats, in the swampy low ground - and even there it was no more inhospitable than a score of thriving colonies in the Americas and Indies. No, it was the lack of food, of proper feeding, of suitable provisions. All were half-starved; and what they had to eat was wrong, for the climate. No vegetables, fresh fruit, fresh meat. The stores sent out in some of the ships were beyond belief in folly. One crate, which they expected to contain oatmeal, held fifteen hundred bibles. Another, four hundred periwigs! Whoever packed them was witless. No, it was not fever which struck them down, himself included, but under-nourishment which made them liable to all manner of sicknesses in such climate. They had expected to be able to buy food from neighbouring colonies and islands, until their own crops grew and cattle multiplied. But the Spanish, the French and the Dutch would not sell; and the English, who might, were forbidden to have any dealings with them, by royal command. Even the Indians were forbidden to trade with them. They were shunned like lepers!

  "And you had no time to grow your own crops?"

  "Time we had, yes - but not the correct seeds. We tilled our soil, some small acreage, and planted yams, Indian corn or maize and Jamaica peas. These came to perfection in only five weeks. The ground is fertile beyond belief. But it was only a little, and not the food which was required. None had tasted fresh meat, only salt, for five months. Men and women died daily."

  "You lost . . . many?"

  "Three hundred died before we left. Worse, another four hundred, taken sick aboard ship, died before we reached New York."

  "Good Lord! Seven hundred dead - out of twelve hundred!"

  "Aye. God's hand was heavy upon us. But - we should never have left. I forbade it. But . . ."

  "You were in charge, were you not, man?"

  "Only as adviser. There was a Council of Seven elected. And these were weak, quarrelsome. Incompetent, well-born bunglers. When I was stricken with sickness I was carried out to the ship, unconscious. For they believed that it was the land which was the killer, the fools! And the ships, crowded with sick, were worse, a hundred times! Many did not wish to leave. But those damned councillors insisted. At forty-eight hours' notice. None were to stay. I was carried with them. We should have stayed, we should have stayed!"

  Andrew stared at the man. "It is scarcely to be credited! After all the labour, the high hopes, the money!"

  "Aye. All to be done again."

  "But - the second expedition ? Thirteen hundred men. When they arrived, it would be to find all gone, deserted?"

  "To be sure. But the houses, the fort, the cannon and works would still be there. Pray God these were better led. And had the right supplies . . ."

  "Yes, yes - we saw to that. Captain Jamieson told us. But -they would face the same conditions. And without your guidance. Have we but thrown good money after bad? Not that the money is the worst of it, but men's lives . . ."

  "No, no. If we keep them well supplied. Until they can grow their own crops. Send live beasts, cattle, sheep, pigs, poultry . . ."

  "The Company has no more money. Already it is in debt."

  "Then we must raise more. At once. That is vital."

  "Will, my friend - I do not think that you understand
. It will be very difficult to raise more. What we did raise was a miracle - a series of miracles! Half the total coin of the country! The land is bled dry of moneys. And now, folk will be despondent, believe all to be wasted. They will not readily find more."

  "They must be told. Understand that if they would save their investment they must find more meantime. The project has not yet had a chance . . ."

  "They will be hard to convince. You did not commence the transportation?"

  "No. How could we? The few mules we could gather had to be eaten for meat. We did dig a small canal, as ensample. It was a notable success. But there was not the time for more."

  "You say that you sailed for New York? Why was that?"

  "I did not so choose. It was the shipmasters who believed that the orders from London to the governors of colonies, not to deal with us, would only apply to those nearby - Jamaica, the Barbadoes, the Jerseys, the Carolinas. And further north, in New York, Massachusetts and Acadia there were numbers of Scots and we would be better received. It was not so - not in New York, where we had much trouble. And we lost two ships by storm ..."

  The tale of disaster went on.

  Andrew was proved all too accurate as to Scotland's reception of the tidings from Darien. Disappointment, disillusion, resentment, anger - these were the usual reactions. The main wrath was against England and King William, of course. There was talk of outright war; the separation of the crowns became a popular slogan; and Jacobite and even republican sentiment flourished. But some of the ire spilled over, inevitably, on to those most prominently connected with the venture - including to be sure Andrew Fletcher, whose comparatively brief spell of popularity came to a sudden end. William Paterson was booed in the streets of Edinburgh. The fact that he had lost more than anybody else in the collapse did not save him. Especially when the news arrived that the second expedition, after a successful voyage and landing, had also abandoned the colony. This completed the Company's disesteem, almost disgrace. It seemed that almost at once, whilst the new settlers were surveying the deserted New Edinburgh they were attacked by a large force of Spaniards in a fleet especially sent out from Seville, an English squadron again standing by and watching. Campbell of Finab, with his trained fighters, defeated a force six times their numbers. But more than a military victory was required to convince this second party that they could succeed where the first had failed and gone. If Paterson himself had been there, it might have been different. Moreover these were more soldiers than settlers. Abandonment again.