The Second Civil War- The Complete History

by Adam Yoshida

“That’s understandable enough, but that would definitely violate both the letter and the spirit of the orders issued by the President,” Hall brooded, before adding, “let’s put all of the figures together.”

  The task of compiling the report was delegated to a Brigadier General who, in turn, passed it down to his staff. Among them was a youngish Air Force Lieutenant Colonel who, as both a patriot and a man with a family to look after, had long been in contact with prospective future employers. In particular, he had had a number of meetings with an attractive young woman who served as a recruiter for Praetorian International, which had repeatedly told him that they hoped to use his services in the future.

  Vancouver, British Columbia

  Howard Eagleton sat quietly in the Vancouver office that had been allocated, after the liberation, to the provisional President of the Western Republic.

  “...the Federal Government continues to mobilize increasingly-substantial forces in the Eastern Provinces,” explained his briefer, “new military equipment has been purchased or transferred from overseas, principally from Europe. New tanks and aircraft are coming in from both France and Germany. Heavy recruiting in Quebec, the Maritimes, and in Native communities is aiming to raise and train a force of 100,000 or more soldiers for an offensive, perhaps sometime next year. The government apparently intends to go all-in and to remain in for the long haul. They’re raising money through more-or-less straight currency issuance. It’ll play long-term havoc but, in the short term, it seems to be working. They’ve managed to get some governments to subscribe to their bonds on political rather than economic grounds, pointing out to them the long-term economic threat that the Western Republic, extended to its natural limits, would be as a nation of massive resources and extremely low taxes, alongside other more-rhetorical points.”

  “If we can move fast, post-Vancouver, we have a real opportunity,” noted General Jackson quietly.

  “How so?” asked Eagleton, “the battle here in Vancouver required every force that we could sneak in. Federal forces are weakened, but still in control of large chunks of Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba. They have more of an ability to raise support from the international community than we do.”

  “Internationally, perhaps, that is true of the entire world. But we should not understate our own advantages,” said Jackson. He turned to General King.

  “Mr. President,” began Augustus King, “since even before the military part of this conflict began, we - meaning myself, General Jackson, our friends at Praetorian, and a number of our friends abroad have been preparing ourselves for exactly this eventuality. With the right amount of money - and the right sort of campaign - we believe that it will be possible for us to assemble a larger and more mobile army, to dispatch it to the east, to settle this battle once and for all, and to do it before the full onset of winter.”

  “How could that even be possible?” asked Eagleton with a tone that landed somewhere between dismissive and intrigued.

  “Well,” said Jackson, “let’s take a step back and consider the economic prospects of a Western Republic. Even accounting for some reduction in energy prices, a Western Republic consisting of the former Provinces of British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and all of the northern territories would have a GDP valued at nearly a Trillion pre-war dollars. To put it another way, the Western Republic represents the world’s fifteenth largest economy.”

  “Now, let’s consider something else - as things stand, we have not settled the issue of pre-existing Federal obligations. However, it is my position - and an assumption which this plan rests - that the Western Republic, given the willingness of the Federal Government to wage war against it as well as the usurpations of our rights and theft of our money that were the causes of the separation to begin with, will not assume any of the existing Federal Debt. Further, it is our projection - prepared by several respected Think Tanks here and in the United States - that funding the sort of social and other services required by and demanded by the citizens of the Western Republic will result in a very low rate of taxation. Perhaps no more than 10-15% of the total GDP of the Western Republic. And, of course, this would be a country, especially given the projected raising of restrictions upon development, with very high resource revenues.”

  “Let us consider another factor as well: those same low tax rates are very likely to raise substantial interest in relocating in the West from many international corporations. In other words, it is very likely that the Western Republic would see rapid economic growth that would transform it into a top-ten economy and, further, that it would be the richest country in the world on a per-capita basis.”

  “Ok,” said Eagleton, “I get that. I think that we all get that.”

  “But here,” said King, “is what it means on a practical level: if we can convince people of this abroad, that makes the Western Republic the investment opportunity of a lifetime. Yes, it’s true that our credit is a little bit shaky - but if we can convince enough investors of this position, we will be in a position to raise a massive amount of money from financial markets.”

  “How massive are we talking about?” asked the President.

  “Our projections suggest selling $150 Billion in long-term bonds ought to be more than enough. With a long-term repayment date, the up-front cost ought to be relatively trivial when compared with what might be gained from them.”

  “And what do we do with this sort of money?”

  “The world,” replied King, “it awash in weapons. Our financial arm, Praetorian Capital, would be prepared to both raise the money and to use our contacts in order to acquire the sort of equipment that that kind of money can buy.”

  “Alright. Suppose that we do this: where are we going to get soldiers from?”

  “Elevate the conflict to a higher plane,” said Jackson, “make this a universal struggle for freedom. Anyways, we have friends who can handle a lot of that for us.”

  CHAPTER FIVE

  John Brown

  The television host strutted across the stage.

  “During the Revolutionary War, Lafayette was just one of many who came to America in order to volunteer in our struggle, because he recognized that we were fighting a universal battle for human freedom.”

  The image behind the host changed.

  “The same was true in our own Civil War. Brave men came, even all the way from Europe, because they recognized that there was a universal principle at stake.”

  “And, again, in the World Wars, there were those who went overseas early - from right here in America - to join the fight for freedom before our politicians were ready to do the same.”

  “Now we have a new fight for freedom going on. This one being fought in our own hemisphere. A handful of freedom-loving individuals have risen against a tyrannical government and asserted their own right to the pursuit of happiness.”

  “And what is our President doing? Is he standing alongside the giants of our own history as a supporter of freedom? No. He’s offering mealy-mouthed support to the oppressors and he’s providing them with weapons. His Justice Department is going so far as to investigate and yes, in a few cases even prosecute those brave enough to volunteer in defense of freedom.”

  “Why would he do that?” asked the host rhetorically.

  “Well, my friends, perhaps it’s because he recognizes that the fight for freedom to the North could awaken a spirit of resistance in this country that had laid dormant for too long. Every day, right here in America, the President violates the Constitution. Everyone acknowledges this and yet nothing real happens. Sure, there are a few in the Congress - and a few broadcasters such as myself - who are willing to act. But what will impeachment amount to if the Speaker struggles to get a majority to stand up for freedom?”

  “No, my friends, it is a purely symbolic act. A noble gesture, to be certain. But I am equally certain that the time for gestures is long past. One by one, each individual American must make their own decision to stand up for freedom
.”

  Arlington, Virginia

  Sitting on his couch in an Arlington, Virginia apartment, Major Mark Varro turned off the television and got up to begin his day. The media, he had come to realize through many hours of prayerful reflection, were more responsible for the present degraded condition of the nation than anyone else. Well, the media and the education establishment. But the latter still commanded a great deal more public sympathy than the former. How were citizens to be aware of their true rights and obligations under the Constitution of the United States when they were constantly deceived by everyone around them? If votes in the Congress wouldn’t, by themselves, be enough to turn the nation around then it was time for men like him - men of faith, belief, and honor - to step up and act, whatever the personal consequences would be.

  He had wrestled with the idea of whether he ought to wait and see what became of the impeachment in the House of Representatives. His actions, he knew, might cause a political backlash agains the right and sway some votes in favor of the President. But he was a man who could read a poll and who could read a vote count. The actions of the House Republicans might well be noble but they were already clearly futile. And, anyways, change was about more than that one man.

  For his first target, Varro had selected a major print columnist whose work he found particularly arrogant and grating. The man was hardly the worst offender in the media - and far from the most powerful - but that actually, in Varro’s opinion, made him a far more appealing target. After all, it would be easily possible for the police to protect the twenty or so journalists in the country who counted as being authentically high-profile, but it would be impossible for them to protect every local reporter, columnist, and blogger. That, reflected Varro, was the great virtue of terrorism and insurgency: it wasn’t possible to defend everywhere whereas he could pick and choose his targets at his leisure.

  Of course, Varro hoped that he wouldn’t have to take the entire burden of the fight onto himself. His actions, he was sure, would inspire others. Perhaps, he quietly prayed, they would even lead to something like a general uprising.

  It would have been trivially simple for Varro to acquire high-capacity gun magazines from somewhere. Though there had been some effort to restrict gun ownership in recent years, it was impossible to make a practical dent in it when there were more guns in the country than there were Americans. However, in fact, Varro hadn’t even had to go as far as that: instead, he’d simply walked on down to Staples and bought a 3D Printer along with a few cases of plastic printing material and printed himself a pair of thirty round magazines. He’d tested them enough times at DC area gun ranges to know instinctively that they worked but, nonetheless, he paused for a moment to give them a final visual inspection before placing them in his duffel bag.

  The Capitol, Washington, DC

  For the second time in his twenty-four years in the House of Representatives, Michael Halverson prepared to vote to impeach the President of the United States.

  “Resolved,” read the Clerk, “that Henry Alan Warren, President of the United States, is impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and that the following articles of impeachment be exhibited to the United States Senate...”

  “Well, you’ve got your way,” he whispered to Terrance Rickover. He had debated actually presiding over the House on this occasion, but had instead elected to hand over the gavel that his vote might be recorded.

  “We had to do something, or we might as well simply have made it official and re-designated ourselves as the House of Eunuchs,” replied the Majority Leader.

  “Nevertheless, this has been a lot of work to accomplish so very little in the end,” replied the Speaker.

  “We’ve put the President on the defensive and, in the end, who knows how the trial in the Senate will shake out.”

  “I’ve seen this game before,” said the Speaker grumpily.

  “Wherefore, Henry Alan Warren, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States,” concluded the Clerk.

  The votes were called for and began to be electronically registered. Ten minutes leader, the Presiding Officer made it official: for the third time in the history of the United States a President had been impeached by the House of Representatives.

  New York, NY

  Daniel Hampton had the vote playing on the television of his office, but with the sound muted. He hadn’t had much time to watch television of any kind lately. Nor had he had found time to devote to his mistress. Wall Street was, as he had bluntly informed the President during a conference call the previous day, “an absolute fucking mess.”

  The platinum coin gambit had worked well enough: at first. The Coins had been paid to the Federal Reserve in exchange for $2 Trillion worth of bonds held by the Fed which had, in turn, been redeemed by the Treasury. With a world in economic crisis, there had initially only been a slight premium on the new bonds issued by the Treasury under the new debt limit.

  Then the lawsuits had began. And the House of Representatives moved to impeach the President. No one seriously thought that the Senate would vote to convict and remove the President from office - Democrats were already working themselves up into a good and righteous fury about the supposed wrongfulness of the actions of the House - but it was enough to spook foreign investors. Both Houses of Congress had passed legislation repealing the section of the U.S. Code from which the President had claimed to derive the authority to issue unlimited amounts of coins made of platinum stamped with whatever denominations he wished, but the President had vetoed the bill and there hadn’t been a two-thirds majority to override.

  “There’s a problem boss,” of his his aides had told him this morning, “these new Western Canadian bonds are almost fully-subscribed. They’re going to sell at only a slight discount versus this round of Treasuries.”

  Hampton sighed. “Absolute fucking mess,” actually understated the chaos of the bond market.

  There was no global shortage of capital. But no one knew where to park it. The Euro, somehow, survived but no one really knew how long that would last and, therefore, people were hesitant to buy Euro-denominated bonds at anything like full price. The Japanese now obviously owed far more than they could ever plausibly pay back, having spent decades trying to spend themselves out of a hole. Now, the progressive debasement of the U.S. Dollar made even the global reserve currency substantially less attractive. Other nations were in better shape, but there were only so many Swiss or Australian bonds and investments to go around.

  Thus when, the previous week, the so-called “Western Republic Victory Bonds” had become available they had instantly become a hot commodity. The bonds were denominated in the Western Dollar which, in turn, was the first modern commodity-backed currency. This made both the value of the bonds and the Western Dollar tremendously variable, as their future worth depended not only upon the victory of the Western Republic in its continuing war with the Canadian Government, but also upon the perpetuation of high energy prices. It was almost equally possible that the bonds would be worthless in a year or that they would make their holders very wealthy. And yet, with all of that risk, the bonds were nearing the discount offered on Treasury bonds.

  This, Hampton realized, was being worsened by the mess in Washington. The markets might have been willing to accept the President’s action as a one-time maneuver. However, the heated rhetoric that had come in the defense of the President against his possible impeachment had convinced many that, in fact, the U.S. Government might repeat its maneuver many more times, progressively devaluing the Dollar via inflation in the process. Furthermore, though the prospects of the legal challenge to the President’s actions had initially been widely dismissed, the results of the first rounds of court action suggested that there was a serious possibility of the Supreme Court eventually holding the President’s actions both illegal and unconstitutional. Some of the more radical Republica
ns in the Congress had begun to warn both actual and potential bondholders that, in the event of such an outcome, there was a serious possibility that the “illegal” bonds would not be honored as they would, in such a case, be considered personal debt issued by the President as an individual rather than debts incurred upon the credit of the United States.

  “Well,” announced Hampton after studying his latest spreadsheets for several minutes, “I don’t see that we have much choice. We’ll have to bid up this latest issue.”

  It was, Hampton would have privately conceded, self-destructive and pointless: one part of the Federal Government paying a premium to buy debt from itself, but it seemed to be the only course of action open under the circumstances. It was a patch while he and others prayed for a miracle.

  Los Angeles, CA

  “The question,” President Warren told an audience of California college students, “is how we are going to share the benefits of an age of abundance. You know, I hear a lot of talk - and you have too - about debt and deficits and how the benefits of the middle class must now be cut in order to cover off these debts. But I don’t know about you - but I’ve been to LA, to Vegas, to New York lately and, I have to tell you, there are a lot of folks who aren’t hurting. And I have to tell you: I’m not going to be cutting benefits for middle class and poor folk so long as the money exists to pay them: and that money still exists.”

  President Warren had eked out his narrow re-election victory on the back of class warfare rhetoric and he saw little reason to stop now.

  “We have millionaires and we have billionaires in this country - and soon enough we’ll have trillionaires - running around buying up new yachts and planes, and you’re telling me that we need to cut Grandma’s Social Security and Medicare? Come on.”