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Clancy, Tom - Ballance of Power

Page 25

by Balance of Power [lit]


  in a public statement later today."

  "Thank you," the President said. "There seem to be

  three entirely separate factions running Spain

  at the moment. According to Ambassador Abril-who

  has always been very frank with me-the

  representatives in parliament are working their

  districts very hard, asking them to stay out of the fighting and

  to continue doing their jobs. They're promising the people

  anything in exchange for their support after the

  crisis. They're hoping to come out of this with blocs of

  voters to use as leverage in forming a new

  government."

  "You mean, forming a new government within the present

  system?" Lanning asked. "Or are they talking about

  creating a new government with a different

  system?"

  "I'm getting to that," the President said. "The

  prime minister has virtually no support-in the

  parliament or among the people. He's expected

  to resign within a day or two. Abril says that the

  king, who is at his residence in Barcelona, will be

  able to count on the support of the church and most of the

  population apart from the Castilians."

  "Which is somewhat less than a majority," Burkow

  pointed out.

  "About forty-five percent of the people," the President

  said. "Which puts the king in a very shaky position.

  We're told that his palace in Madrid is thick

  with soldiers, though no one's sure whether the

  troops are there to protect the place or to keep

  him from coming back."

  "Or both," Lanning remarked. "Just like the Win

  BALANCE OF POWER 253

  ter Palace when Czar Nicholas was forced

  to abdicate."

  "Quite possibly," the President said. "But it

  gets worse. Paul-Bob Herbert and Mike

  Rodgers have sent over the latest data on the

  military. You want to address that?"

  Hood folded his hands on the table.

  "There's a general who appears to be running this

  show-Rafael Amadori. According to our intelligence,

  he orchestrated the destruction of the yacht in the Bay

  of Biscay, which killed several leading businessmen

  who were also planning to bring down the government. He

  also appears to have been responsible for the death of

  Deputy Serrador. That's the man who my

  political chief Martha Mackall was on her

  way to see when she was killed this morning." Hood's

  voice dropped along with his eyes. "We have reason

  to believe that Serrador set her up with the help of the

  party on the yacht."

  "Bob Herbert said he's working to confirm that," the

  President said. " The problem is, even if we

  found out that part of the government was involved in a

  conspiracy, the rest of the lawfully elected

  government may not be around to hear our complaint. Now

  the policy of the United States, and of this

  Administration, has always been not to interfere in the

  internal affairs of a nation. The exceptions, like

  Panama, like Grenada, involved issues of

  national security. The problem here, and what General

  VanZandt is especially concerned about, is that

  Spain is a NATO ally. The outcome of the

  current strife will probably cause a

  reshaping of the government-but we can't afford to

  254 OR-CENTER

  have a tyrant running the nation. We left Franco

  alone because he didn't have designs on other

  nations."

  "That's only because he saw from the sidelines what we

  did to Mussolini and Hitler," Burkow pointed

  out.

  "Whatever the reasons, he stayed put," the

  President said. "That may not be the case here.

  General VanZandt?"

  The tall, distinguished African-American officer

  opened a folder in front of him. "I have here a

  printout on the man's career. He signed up with the

  army thirty-two years ago and worked his way through the

  ranks. He was on the right side-or rather the left

  side-of the right-wing coup which attempted to overthrow the

  king in 1981. He was wounded in action and received a

  medal for bravery. After that he rose quickly.

  Interestingly, he never opposed NATO but he

  didn't participate in joint maneuvers. In letters

  to superior officers he advocated a strong national

  defense which didn't rely on outside

  help-"interference," he called it. He did,

  however, spend a lot of time entertaining and

  being entertained by Soviet troops during the

  1980's. CIA intelligence puts him in

  Afghanistan in 1982 as an observer."

  "No doubt he was observing how to oppress people,"

  Carol Lanning suggested.

  "It's very possible," VanZandt replied. "During

  this time Amadori was also heavily involved in

  Spanish military intelligence and appears to have

  used his trips abroad to establish contacts there.

  His name came up in at least two CIA

  debriefings of captured Soviet spies."

  BALANCE OF POWER 255

  "In what context?" Hood asked.

  VanZandt looked down at the printout. " "In

  one case as a man whom the spy had seen at a

  meeting with a Soviet officer-Amadori was wearing his

  nameplate- and in the second case as someone to whom

  intelligence was to be reported in a matter involving

  a West German businessman who was trying to buy a

  Spanish newspaper."

  "So," the President said, "what we're dealing with

  here is someone who's familiar with a failed coup in his

  own country and with antirebel tactics in other

  nations. He also has a lifetime of contacts,

  intelligence gathering capability, and

  virtual control of the Spanish military.

  Ambassador Abril fears, and not without some

  justification, that both Portugal and France are at

  risk. Running Spain as a military state,

  Amadori would be ideally positioned to undermine both

  governments over time and move troops in."

  "Over NATO'S dead body," VanZandt said.

  "You forget. General," the President replied.

  "Amadori appears to have engineered this takeover as a

  progovernment action. He allowed a conspiracy

  to get going and then crushed it. It's a brilliant

  strategy:

  let an enemy show itself then crush it. And while

  you're crushing it, make the government look

  corrupt and crush them too."

  " "Whether he runs France or Portugal

  personally or puts in a puppet regime,"

  banning said thoughtfully, "he still calls the shots."

  "Exactly," said the President. "What came out

  of my conversation with Abril and the Vice-President

  is that there's going to be a new government in Spain.

  256 OP-CENTER

  There's no dispute about that. But we also agreed that

  whoever comes to power in Spain, it mustn't be

  Amadori. So the first question is, do we have the

  time and sufficient manpower to turn anyone there against

  him? And if not, is there any way that we can get
>
  to him ourselves?"

  VanZandt shook his head and sat back. "This is a

  rotten business, Mr. President," he said.

  "A dirty, rotten business."

  "I think so too. General," the President

  replied. He sounded surprisingly contrite. "But

  unless anyone's got any ideas, I don't see

  any way around it."

  "How about waiting?" CIA Director Fox

  asked. "This Amadori may self-destruct. Or

  the people may not buy him."

  "Every indication is that he's getting stronger by the

  hour," said the President. "It may be

  by default:

  he's killing the opposition. Am I wrong about that,

  Paul?"

  Hood shook his head. "One of my people was there when he

  executed factory workers who may-

  may-

  have opposed him."

  "When did this happen?" Lanning asked, openly

  horrified.

  "Within the hour," Hood told her.

  "This man has the makings of a genocidal maniac,"

  she said.

  "I don't know about that," said Hood, "but he

  certainly seems determined to seize Spain."

  "And we're determined to stop him," the President

  said.

  "How?" asked Burkow. "We can't do it

  officially.

  BALANCE OF POWER 257

  Paul, Marius-have we got people underground there that we

  can count on?"

  "I'll have to ask our contact in Madrid," Fox

  said. " "That kind of work hasn't been a part of

  our repertoire for a while."

  Burkow looked at Hood. So did the

  President. Hood said nothing. With Fox

  effectively out of the front line, he knew what was

  coming.

  "Paul, your Striker team is en route

  to Spain," the President said, "and Darrell

  McCaskey is already there. You're also working with an

  Interpol agent who surrendered to the troops at that

  factory massacre. What about her, Paul? Can

  she be counted on?"

  "She surrendered to try and get

  to Amadori," Hood acknowledged. "But we don't

  know what she'll do if and when she gets to him.

  Whether she'll reconnoiter or try and

  neutralize him."

  Hood hated himself for using that euphemism. They were

  talking about assassination-the same thing they'd all

  deplored when it happened to Martha Mackall. And for

  exactly the same reason: politics. This was,

  truly, a dirty, stinking business. He wished that

  he were with his family instead of here.

  "What's this woman's name?" the President asked.

  "Maria Corneja, Mr. President," Hood

  replied. "We have a file on her. She was

  attached to Op-Center for several months when we were

  first commissioned. She learned from us and we from her."

  "What would Ms. Comeja do if she had the support

  of a team like Striker?" the President asked.

  "I'm not sure," Hood answered honestly.

  "I'm not

  258 OP-CENTER

  sure it would even make a difference. She's tough and

  pretty independent."

  "Find out, Paul," the President said. "But do it

  quietly. I want this to stay at Op-Center from

  now until it's finished."

  "I understand," Hood said. His voice was a low

  monotone. His spirits were even lower. No one else

  had even offered to jump in with him.

  He wasn't a boy. He knew that there might come

  a time when it would be necessary to stage a black-ops

  action like this-the use of Striker or one of his people

  to target and take out an enemy. Now that it was here he

  didn't like it. Not the job and not the fact that

  OpCenter was on its own. If they succeeded, a

  man was dead. If they failed, this would be on their

  consciences for the rest of their lives. There was no clean

  way out of it.

  Carol Lanning must have understood that. She and Hood

  remained seated at the table, side by side, as the

  President and the others left. The men all said

  goodnight to Hood but nothing more. What

  could

  they say? Good luck? Break a leg? Shoot him

  once for me?

  When the room was empty, Carol put her hand on

  Hood's.

  "I'm sorry," she said. "It's no fun being

  disavowed."

  "Or set up," Hood said.

  "Hmmm," she replied. "You don't think

  anyone else knew what the President was

  planning?"

  Hood shook his head. "And when they leave here,

  they'll forget he ever suggested it. Like he said, this

  is Op-Center's play." He shook his head again.

  "The

  BALANCE OF POWER 259

  damn thing is it's not even retribution. The men who

  killed Martha are dead."

  "I know," Carol said. "Nobody ever said this

  business was fair."

  "No, they didn't." Hood wanted to get up.

  But he was too damn tired and way too disgusted

  to even think about moving.

  "If I can do anything for you, unofficially, let me

  know," she said. She squeezed his hand again and rose.

  "Paul-it's a job. You can't afford to look at it

  any other way."

  "Thanks," Hood said. "But if I do that I can't

  see how I'll be any different than Amadori."

  She smiled. "Oh, you will be, Paul. You'll

  never try to convince yourself that what you're doing is right.

  Only necessary."

  Hood didn't really see the distinction, but this

  wasn't the time to try to find it. Because, like it

  or not, he

  did

  have a job to do. And he was going to have to help Striker

  and Aideen Marley and Darrell McCaskey do

  their jobs as well.

  He rose slowly and left with Carol. It was

  ironic. He once thought that running Los

  Angeles was difficult: angering special

  interests with everything you did and living in the public

  eye. Now he was working undercover and feeling as

  alone-personally and professionally-as a person could

  be.

  He didn't remember who had said that in order

  to lead men you had to turn your back on them. But they

  were right, which was why Michael Lawrence was President

  and he wasn't. That was why someone like Michael

  Lawrence

  had

  to be President.

  260 OP-CENTER

  Hood would do this job because he had to. After that, he

  vowed, he would do no more. Here in the White House-which

  had awed him less than an hour before-he vowed that

  however this ended he would leave Op-Center .. . and

  get his family back.

  TWENTY-FOUR

  Tuesday, 6:50 a.m. San Sebastian,

  Spain

  Sleepy San Sebastian had been roughly

  awakened by the sounds of gunfire at the factory.

  Father Norberto had remained at his brother's

  apartment long after the police had come for his body.

  He had stayed there, kneeling on the hardwood

  floor, to pray for Adolfo's soul. But when Father

  Norberto heard the gunfire, followed by the cries

>   of people in the street and shouts of

  "la fdbrica!"-

  "the factory!"-he headed directly back to the

  church.

  As Norberto neared St. Ignatius he looked

  across the long, low field. He could see the

  helicopters hovering over the factory in the distance.

  But there was no time to wonder about them. The church was

  already filling with mothers and young children as well as the

  elderly. Soon the fishermen would arrive, returning

  to shore to make certain their families were safe.

  He had to attend to these people, not to his own wounds.

  Norberto's arrival was heralded by the relieved

  cries of the people outside the church and thanks to God.

  For a moment-a brief, soul-touching moment-the

  priest felt the same love and compassion for the poor

  that the Son of Man Himself must have felt. It

  didn't

  262 OP-CEMTER

  alleviate his pain. But it did give him renewed

  strength and purpose.

  The first thing Father Norberto did upon arriving was

  to smile and speak softly. Speaking softly made the

  people quiet down. It forced them to control their fear.

  He got everyone inside and into pews. Then, as

  Norberto lit the candles beside the pulpit, he

  asked white-haired "Grandfather" Jose if he would

  usher newcomers inside in an orderly fashion.

  The former salvage ship captain, a pious

  Catholic, accepted the task humbly, his gray

  eyes gleaming.

  When the candles were lit and the church was awash with their

  comforting glow, the priest went to the altar. He used it

  to steady himself for just a moment. Then he led the

  congregation through Mass, hoping that they would take comfort

  as much in the familiar ritual as in the presence of

  God. Norberto hoped that he, too, would find

  solace there. But as he proceeded through the Liturgy

  of the Word, he found little for himself. The only consolation

  he had was the fact that he was giving comfort

  to others.

  When Father Norberto finished the service, he

  turned to the uneasy crowd, which was already over one

  hundred strong. The heat of their bodies and their fear

  filled the small, dark church. The smell of the sea

  air came through the open door. It inspired Father

  Norberto to speak to the crowd from Matthew.

  In a loud and strong voice he read for the

  parishioners. was 'And He saith unto them. Why

  are ye fearful, O ye of little faith? Then He

  arose, and rebuked the winds and the sea; and there was great

  calm." his

  The words of the Gospel, along with the need of

 

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