Hitler’s Pre-Emptive War: The Battle for Norway, 1940

by Henrik O. Lunde

  The Norwegian Offensive in Retrospect

  The fighting in Gratangen demonstrated that the individual Norwegian soldier could fight well when properly led and it was only a matter of time and experience until he was equal to the German mountain troops. Company 3’s attack against Co 2, 139th nearly succeeded. The fact that three company commanders were killed shows that they did not hesitate to expose themselves in trying to rally their troops. The higher leadership, from General Fleischer down to the battalion commanders proved weak. The Norwegian plan looked good on a map, but it was something else to put into operation on the ground in a violent blizzard with inadequate communications between units. The result was an uncoordinated, piecemeal effort and less than one quarter of Fleischer’s attacking force was involved at any one time. Only the 2/15th participated in the attack on Lapphaugen while the plan called for a two-battalion attack. On the second day, only the 1/12th was involved in fighting. The troops in the Alta Bn were passive onlookers. No orders were given for the 2/15th to resume its attack that day and the 1/16th was sent on a useless march to Levangen.

  The 1/12th made glaring mistakes, not unlike those made by the 1/13th in Narvik and Bjørnefjell. Whole units were allowed to seek the comfort of shelter at the same time while at least one third of each company should have remained in the prepared positions. This is all the more remarkable since the Norwegians were the ones used to the severe climate found in this area and should have been able to endure the weather conditions in the open better than their opponents. This very fact may have led to an underestimation of enemy capabilities. Norwegian security was lax in Narvik, at Bjørnefjell, and in the Gratang Valley. General Hovland notes that the main reason for the failure of Major Bøckman and others who made glaring mistakes was lack of experience. There is no doubt that lack of experience was a major factor in many of the mistakes, but the errors at Bjørnefjell and Gratangen weer so elementary to the military profession that the “lack of experience” explanation falls short.

  The three failures—Narvik, Bjørnefjell, and Gratang Valley—led the Norwegians—like Admiral Forbes after the German bombing attacks on the Home Fleet—to become overly cautious and methodical, as we will see in subsequent chapters. The Germans noted the Norwegian display of hesitancy and caution after the reverse in Gratangen and also noted the importance of Stautner’s daring attack for future operations around Narvik.14

  Hovland does not exempt General Fleischer from criticism but places the major blame for the debacle in Gratangen on the general’s subordinates.15 The military commanders may have been weak but the general’s own mistakes cannot be ignored. Fleischer’s attack plan was good but the multiple envelopments originally envisioned were too complicated for units that had not worked together and were going into combat for the first time. The lack of adequate communications exacerbated the problem. It is puzzling that he should have opted for such a complicated operation in the worst possible weather conditions in view of his own assessment that his units were hardly able to undertake missions involving maneuver in war until they had undergone extended training under favorable conditions. It would have been wise to keep the envelopments tighter and simpler since the Germans were deployed on a narrow front.

  The constant shifting of units in atrocious weather conditions before and during the fighting exhausted the troops. The frequent incremental changes to the attack plan and the exhausting movements of units to accommodate these changes point to a sense of doubt and hesitancy at brigade and division. It is debatable whether the attack should have been launched at all in those deplorable weather conditions. There may have been an unstated feeling that the Germans would be incapable of mounting a defense under such circumstances. The blizzard had raged for 24 hours when the 1/12th was ordered forward and it is strange that the effect of weather on the operation was not seriously considered before sending that unit across Fjordbotneidet.

  Colonel Løken and Lieutenant Colonel Hyldmo failed to insure that the forward units kept contact with the enemy after the attack ground to a halt. With their superior mobility, the Norwegians could have harassed the withdrawing Germans and possibly inflicted severe losses on them. If the Norwegian troops near Lapphaugen knew the Germans had withdrawn, they could have informed the 1/12th that a German unit was heading in its direction. This may have averted the calamity that followed the next morning.

  While the wisdom of Fleischer’s decision to take personal command of the envelopment force can be questioned, the results would undoubtedly not have been different if Løken was left in command. The prohibition against the two enveloping battalions descending into the Gratang Valley is difficult to understand. If both battalions were allowed to enter the valley, one could have pushed towards Elvenes, and thereby fixed the German forces in that area. The other battalion could have served as a blocking force against the reinforced company at Lapphaugen, which had to withdraw if the pressure was maintained. Under these circumstances, it would have been a good idea to appoint an overall commander for the enveloping force. Dahl was the senior of the two battalion commanders and therefore the logical choice.

  Rather than redeploying the 1/16th from Fossbakken to the Tennevoll area, Fleischer should have ordered the 6th Brigade to resume its attack on Lapphaugen with two battalions. The 1/12th was sitting astride the German withdrawal route and it was the right time to pry the Germans out of their Lapphaugen position. A resumed advance would have revealed that the Germans had already withdrawn and this would have rectified, to some extent, the failure to maintain contact with the enemy.

  General Hovland is right in identifying the wartime leadership quality among the officers as the most serious problem within the 6th Division in April 1940. The actions in Narvik, Bjørnefjell and Gratangen all support this conclusion, but I believe that the problem went down to the company level, at least in the case of Narvik and Bjørnefjell.

  There is no evidence that General Fleischer came down hard on his subordinates for their failures and this may be because he was fully aware of his own mistakes. The reverse in the Gratang Valley did not affect the careers of his battalion commanders adversely. Bøckman and Hyldmo retired as colonels and Hunstad and Dahl as major generals.

  The town of Narvik in 1940.

  Narvik on April 8, 1940. The two coastal defense ships are at center and left.

  The German supply ship Altmark, which was also carrying British prisoners.

  Narvik in 1940 (with author’s annotations).

  The British destroyer Cossack.

  The German battleship Gneisenau (Scharnhorst was of the same class).

  The German heavy cruiser Admiral Hipper.

  Summer 2007 view of the Gratang Valley looking generally to the west-northwest, with Gratangsbotn Fjord in the distance. The ridgline to the right is where the Alta Battalion was located during the battle. (Courtesy of Magnor Kr. Fjellheim)

  A 1984 photo of Bjerkvik from the west. (Courtesy of Magnor Kr. Fjellheim)

  German Admiral Günther Lütjens.

  Admiral Dudley Pound, First Sea Lord.

  The town of Elverum in ruins.

  German seaplane transport in Norwegian fjord.

  The British destroyer Glowworm on fire as seen from the bridge of the German heavy cruiser Admiral Hipper.

  German airborne drop near Narvik.

  Narvik harbor after British attack on April 10 with two German destroyers at the pier.

  German troops advancing through a burning Norwegian town.

  German paratroopers landing at Bjørnefjell, near Narvik.

  Adolf Hitler and Major General Eduard Dietl, commander of German mountain troops.

  Brigadier General Marie Emilie Béthouart, commander of French forces at Narvik.

  French Alpine troops in the Narvik area.

  German troops landing from seaplane.

  The British battleship Warspite and escorts entering Ofotfjord on April 13, 1940.

  Wreck of the German destroyer Hans Ludemann.

>   The German destroyer Erich Giese on fire and sinking.

  The British destroyer HMS Cossack.

  German mountain troops and naval personnel in the Ankenes Mountains with Narvik in the background.

  Allied troop convoy in Norway.

  French tank stuck in the mud a short distance from the beach in Narvik.

  Photo of Narvik Harbor taken from a German aircraft.

  Norwegian patrol in the Narvik area.

  Major General Zygmunt Bohusz-Szyszko, commander of Polish troops at Narvik.

  German Ju-52s on Hartvigvann (Hartvig Lake).

  Destruction of ships and railroad stock in Narvik following a British attack.

  CAMPAIGNS IN THE SOUTH

  “… shocking inaction of the Navy at Trondheim, for which you and your pusillanimous, self-satisfied, short-sighted naval advisers must bear full responsibility.”

  APRIL 29, 1940 LETTER FROM ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET SIR ROGER KEYES TO CHURCHILL.

  In order to understand the unfolding operations in North Norway it is necessary to examine the campaigns in eastern and central Norway. These operations and the strategy dictating them had profound effects on events in the Narvik area and they created ill feelings between the Norwegians and the Allies, feelings that took on added importance as the focus shifted to Narvik. The operations in western Norway are not included in this summary since they had little effect on what transpired in the north.

  The German Buildup

  The German assault elements landing at various points on the Norwegian coast were lightly armed and it was anticipated that they would need immediate reinforcements, equipment, and supplies. These were provided for in the operational plans.

  In general, the German sea transport operations must be viewed as a success. During the campaign, about 370 merchant ships brought in 107,581 troops, 109,400 tons of supplies, 20,339 vehicles, and 16,102 horses. While the Germans lost 21 merchant ships, 15 escort vessels, and about 2,000 men, these losses were judged acceptable from their point of view. The Allies lost six submarines—four British, one French, and one Polish.

  The Luftwaffe also made a significant contribution to the rein forcement and supply effort. It carried out successfully the largest air transport operation in military history up to that time. Five-hundred-eighty-two transport aircraft flew 13,018 sorties. These brought in 29,280 troops and 2,376 tons of supplies.

  The rapid German buildup in southern Norway contributed greatly to their success. The disrupted and cumbersome Norwegian mobilization machinery and the confused and hesitant efforts by the Allies were no match for the rapid pace at which German forces were reinforced and supplied.

  The German Offensive Begins

  The German offensive into the interior to link up with their beachheads in Trondheim and Bergen began in earnest on April 13.

  The northward advance of General Richard Pellengahr’s 196th Division was divided into two groups. Colonel Hermann Fischer, commander of the 340th Inf Regiment, commanded one group. His task was to advance north through Østerdal towards Trondheim. Colonel Ländle, commander of the 345th Inf Regiment, led the second group. His mission was to advance north through Gudbrandsdal along the east shore of Lake Mjøsa.

  Two German battle groups drove northward towards Gjøvik and Dokka. Colonel Zanthier was commander of the 349th Inf Regiment, 181st Division, and his battle group consisted of two infantry battalions from the 349th Regiment as well as the motorized portion of the 1/324th Inf. Artillery and engineers supported this group, as they did the others. Its mission was to advance along the railroad towards Gjøvik. The forces on both sides of Mjøsa Lake were to converge in the Lillehammer area. Groups Ländle and Zanthier sent out side columns for mutual support and these became Group Nickelmann, under Colonel Helmuth Nickelmann commander of the 324th Inf Regiment, 163rd Division. It eventually consisted of three infantry battalions, artillery, engineers, a tank detachment, and two separate infantry companies. This group advanced along the west shore of Lake Mjøsa.

  One, Group Adlhoch, under Colonel Xaver Adlhoch, commander of the 236th Inf Regiment, 69th Division, consisted of four infantry battalions and two separate companies as well as artillery, engineer and tank elements. Its mission was to advance north on both sides of Randsfjord to capture Fluberg, Dokka, and Bagn. From there, the group would press on in a northwest direction and establish contact with the German forces moving east from Bergen. Adlhoch decided to subdivide his forces on April 14.

  Group Adlhoch consisted of two infantry battalions and an engineer company. This group advanced north along the east shore of Randsfjord towards Fluberg and Dokka. Major Daubert had command of two battalions for an advance towards Bagn along Sperillen Lake. Group Ritzmann consisted of one infantry battalion with supporting elements. It advanced in the direction of Gulsvik. The 163rd Division also had smaller groups operating to the west and southwest with the mission of securing the coastal areas between Oslo and Kristiansand and capturing the remaining Norwegian mobilization centers in that part of the country.

  The Norwegian forces contesting the German advance were primarily elements of four regiments of the 2nd Division. The forces to the east of Lake Mjøsa consisted of the Kongsvinger Battalion, Colonel Hiorth’s 5th Inf Regiment, and Colonel Jørgen Jensen’s 2nd Cavalry Regiment. Colonel T. H. Dahl’s 4th Inf Regiment and Colonel Carl Mork’s 6th Inf Regiment covered the area between Lake Mjøsa and Randsfjord. Colonel Østbye’s 4th Field Brigade, redeploying from western Norway, was moving into the area northwest of Sperillen Lake.

  The Germans encountered stiff resistance as they reached the 2nd Division’s defense line south of Mjösa, Randsfjord, and Sperillen. Fighting was heavy and the Germans sustained considerable losses. As they moved into the interior, they also encountered deep snow that made movement off the roads very difficult. Norwegian defenses fell into a pattern that would characterize the rest of the campaign in central Norway. They were based on a series of barricades and cuts in lines of communications, supported by flanking fire that made German clearing actions difficult. The Germans adapted quickly to the conditions confronting them and their tactics were quite effective. They organized their columns into combined arms teams of infantry, artillery, engineers, and armor. These attempted to break the Norwegian lines under heavy supporting fires while ski troops worked around the defenders’ flanks.

  The various attacking columns operated in near flawless cooperation. When the advance in one sector reached a point where it was behind Norwegian defenders in the next sector, smaller groups would peel off from the more advanced column. These became threats to Norwegian flanks and rear, often forcing precipitous withdrawals. The innovative tactics and German superiority in artillery, tanks, and complete dominance in the air soon made themselves felt. The Norwegians had no tanks, no effective antitank weapons, and no air support.

  Group Fischer captured Kongsvinger on April 16 and turned north to the opening of Østerdal. It had to fight hard as it made its way northward against stubborn Norwegian resistance. Group Ländle advanced along the east side of Lake Mjøsa while the Norwegian troops withdrew slowly to a strong defensive position at Strandlykkja where the German attack was stopped temporarily. There were no obvious ways to turn the Norwegian flanks. Lake Mjøsa was partially covered with ice and the Germans gambled that it was thick enough to send a force across the southern end from the west shore, threatening the Norwegian right flank and rear. One infantry battalion was sent across the lake and the operation was successful. The Norwegians made a hasty retreat towards Hamar, which fell to the Germans on April 18.

  This event had far-reaching consequences. The Germans sent a group east towards Elverum that made rapid progress and linked up with Group Fischer on April 20. Colonel Hiorth’s forces in Østerdal found its right flank and rear exposed by the German group advancing from Hamar and was forced to withdraw. The last railroad connection to Sweden was severed. The Hamar broadcasting facilities, through which the Norwegian Government had communic
ated with the occupied areas, were captured.

  General Pellenghar began a relentless pursuit of the Norwegian forces withdrawing north from Hamar. He took personal command of the offensive in Gudbrandsdal as troops from the 163rd Division, advancing north along the west shore of Lake Mjøsa, came under his command. The Norwegians succeeded in withdrawing to Lundehøgda on April 18 and 19.

  The German advance west of Mjøsa also met stubborn resistance in the early days of the offensive. Group Zanthier’s advance encountered an ad hoc Norwegian unit at Hakadal and the fight raged all night of April 14–15. The Norwegians withdrew in the morning. The Germans encountered a better-prepared defense near Bjørgeseter (about 25 kilometers southeast of Brandbu) the following day. The first German attack was repulsed. The German commander wanted to wait for more artillery before resuming the attack but he was overruled by the division commander. The second attack also failed after heavy German losses, mostly caused by Norwegian ski troops operating against the German flanks.