Hitler’s Pre-Emptive War: The Battle for Norway, 1940

by Henrik O. Lunde

  The Norwegians had urged the British to occupy the close-in hills and ridgelines overlooking the British positions. While the recommendation envisioned establishing early warning outposts on the ridgeline from Hills 717 to 996, the most critical terrain was the ridgeline from Hills 441 to 796 as well as Hill 481. These heights dominated both British defensive lines, and their occupation by the enemy could trap the forces in the forward line. The British had not learned yet to respect the mountain warfare maxim: “Go high and wide.”

  The two westerly Norwegian ski detachments, numbering about 120 men and fighting in familiar terrain and weather, should have been able to stop or seriously delay the German envelopment force. The detachment at Bjerkemoen withdrew without offering resistance except for some long-range rifle fire. The detachment at Lille Akersvann resisted and held its position. The Germans bypassed the Norwegian detachment without attempting to eliminate it. The Norwegians failed to prevent the continued northward movement of the German force.

  Sorko’s main force approached the British positions along the Finneid-Mo road. He started probing the British positions at 1830 hours while waiting for the expected flank attack of the enveloping force. Artillery on both sides was involved. British artillery fire became ineffective after German artillery fire severed the wire communications between the guns and the forward units. The Germans were unable to cross the river near the destroyed bridge because of intense British fire and they suffered a number of casualties.

  Meanwhile, there was no news from the envelopment force and Sorko concluded that the difficult terrain had prevented it from reaching its attack positions. The enveloping force finally reached Kobbernagel at 2030 hours, two hours after Sorko began his probing attacks, and its commander sent a messenger to the battalion in order to insure that their attack would coincide with Sorko’s main attack. The messenger did not reach his destination until the following morning and by then the German main force had broken into the British positions. The enveloping force commander heard sounds of heavy fighting during the night but remained confused about the situation and decided to wait until morning. Fortunately for the British, he also decided not to carry out the planned advance to the road to cut their line of retreat.4

  After his probing attacks were repulsed and with no news from his enveloping force, Sorko decided to carry out a more limited envelopment with Cos 6 and 8 of his main force. He moved this force eastward and managed to make an unopposed crossing of the river east of Hjelmedal. This enabled the Germans to launch a full-scale attack on the British left flank around 0200 hours. Some intense close-quarter fighting followed but within one hour, the Germans broke into the British positions. Lieutenant Colonel Trappes-Lomax tried to reinforce his left-flank company from his other forces but his men were slowly driven back over Hill 441. This forced a general withdrawal through the second defensive line.

  The wider of the two German flanking forces divided into two elements after passing the Norwegian positions west of Lille Akersvann. One company proceeded to Kobbernaglen where it remained rather inactive. The ski platoon from Captain Holzinger’s company continued eastward towards its objective west of Mofjell. It reached the built-up area in the rear of the British forces around 1700 hours on May 17. The British assumed that this force included the German paratroopers believed to have landed to their east and this threat may have contributed to their decision to abandon their second defensive line.

  At 2100 hours, Roscher-Nielsen ordered the Winter War volunteers located on the southern outskirts of Mo to attack and eliminate the German unit that had reached the main road in the rear of the British positions. About 40 volunteers had arrived in Mo on May 16 and were commanded by a Swede, Captain Björkman, who had previously participated in the fighting near the Swedish border in central Norway.

  Captain Björkman and his men encountered the Germans and attacked them frontally and in the flank and drove them back into the mountains. British sources make no mention of the counterattack by the Winter War volunteers. They do give considerable praise to another Swedish volunteer, Captain Count Erik Lewenhaupt, who helped bring the company that failed to get the withdrawal order to safety.

  Trappes-Lomax informed Roscher-Nielsen at 0230 hours on May 18 that his position at Stien was enveloped and that he had to withdraw from Mo since there were no hopes of reinforcements. Roscher-Nielsen asked General Fleischer if he wanted the Norwegians to continue the defense of the Mo area alone. Fleischer ordered him to withdraw.

  Roscher-Nielsen and Trappes-Lomax worked out a plan and timetable for the retreat. They agreed that the British would cover the Norwegian battalions as they withdrew to Storfoshei, about ten kilometers northeast of Mo. From there, the Reserve Battalion, 14th Inf was to be withdrawn during the night of 18–19 May and the 1/14th Inf the following night.

  Sorko pressed his attack, but it was not until the evening of May 18 that the area around Hill 481 was cleared. The withdrawing British companies lost men who became separated from their units during the withdrawal. Company B, occupying the second line, apparently failed to get the withdrawal order and found its line of retreat to Mo blocked by German forces. If that is correct, either the German ski unit must have returned to the road after its engagement with the volunteers, or other units from Sorko’s group had managed to slip behind the second line. The battalion commander assumed that Co B was lost. However, it disengaged and made an exhaustive retreat through the mountains in deep snow and across the Rana River. It reached the main road a few miles north of Mo. The Germans reached Mo in the evening of May 18.

  Buchner reports the German losses as 14 killed and 26 wounded. This is about the same numbers given by Breckan. The British had at least seven killed and 40 were captured by the Germans. Adams puts the number of British killed, wounded, and missing at over 70 while the regimental history states that they suffered between 70 and 80 casualties of whom three were killed. The Germans report that they captured 14 machineguns, 6 mortars, and one 40mm antiaircraft gun. Three Norwegians and one Swedish volunteer died in the fighting.

  Gubbins, who had received another brevet promotion, this time to brigadier, arrived at Trappes-Lomax’s headquarters, a couple of kilometers north of Storfoshei, on May 19. General Auchinleck had given Gubbins command of all forces in the Bodø-Mo area after Brigadier Fraser had been invalided back to England. While there are differences in British and Norwegian accounts of what transpired, it appears it was Lieutenant Colonel Roscher-Nielsen’s turn to experience Gubbins’ inconsiderate behavior, much as Major Sundlo had done at Mosjøen. Gubbins ordered the withdrawal speeded up without informing the Norwegians.

  British sources note that Trappes-Lomax told the Norwegians about the withdrawal but they fail to mention that the withdrawal plans were changed later without informing the Norwegians. Adams writes that after Trappes-Lomax announced the withdrawal to the Norwegians, they “promptly commandeered most of the civilian transport, leaving the Guards to march to Mo.” Roscher-Nielsen reported that he learned about the change in plans by accident and, as a result, much of the Norwegian equipment and supplies being evacuated found itself between the withdrawing British and the pursuing Germans.5 The British withdrew quickly to Krokstrand (about 25 kilometers from Mo).

  Roscher-Nielsen was forced to make some quick adjustments to the withdrawal plans. A company from the 1/14th Inf and Ellinger’s men were moved to positions north and northeast of Mo during the night, to keep the Germans from cutting the Norwegian line of retreat. These two units covered the withdrawal of the remaining Norwegian forces from Mo.

  Auchinleck’s Force-Level Request

  While the Scots Guards and the Norwegians were attacked at Stien on May 17, General Auchinleck prepared a message to London setting out his force requirements. As far as naval forces were concerned, he stated that he needed four cruisers and six destroyers. He also requested a ground force of 17 infantry battalions, 200 anti-aircraft guns, seven batteries of field artillery, and some armor. His request
for air assets included four squadrons.

  That same evening, before the request was sent, a message arrived from the Chiefs of Staff in London stating that the situation had been changed by the happenings in France and that his force would be limited to the 1st French Light Division (French and Poles), the 24th Guards Brigade, ten independent companies, a proportionate amount of artillery, 68 antiaircraft guns, and two squadrons of aircraft.

  The Chiefs of Staff’s message also requested that efforts at “galvanization of Norwegians to take part in defence must be pushed firmly.”6 This statement illustrates how out of touch the military leaders in London were with events on the ground in Norway.

  General Auchinleck replied in a message that probably served only to reinforce the prevailing view among the Chiefs-of-Staff: “No galvanization of the Norwegians, few in number and not proving of great value, can compensate for deficiencies in these two prime essentials [air support and anti-aircraft guns].”7 London was either unaware of, or chose to ignore, the fact that Norwegians forces had so far carried the heaviest burden of ground fighting in the Narvik area, while British land forces remained inactive for a month after their arrival. The Norwegian and French pressure on the northern front was the primary cause for Dietl’s desperate situation. In fact, the Norwegians had tried to galvanize the British into action in Nordland Province for the past three weeks.

  A full reply to the Chiefs of Staff request was provided on May 21. Auchinleck had concluded that he could do with the land forces promised in the Chiefs of Staff message. This is not surprising since the infantry forces already under his command or promised by the Chiefs of Staff were numerically equal to what he had requested. Auchinleck already had three British, five French, and four Polish infantry battalions, along with five independent companies at his disposal. The five additional independent companies promised by London were large units and made up for the difference between the 17 battalions requested and what the Chiefs of Staff proposed. Auchinleck’s agreement that the suggested ground forces would suffice was contingent on the assumption that there would be a proper mix of artillery and other supporting units, including one machinegun battalion.

  Auchinleck took a dimmer view of the air and antiaircraft resources proposed by the Chiefs of Staff. He pointed out that the number of antiaircraft guns he requested had been cut in half and that his earlier request represented only 2/3 of what the General Staff had considered necessary before he departed London. He concluded that it was unreasonable to expect him to accomplish his missions with this reduction if the enemy began to make heavy attacks on air bases and ports, which could quickly make the Allied position in North Norway untenable.

  He noted that the morale of his forces was undermined on an accelerated scale by German air superiority. The range of the Gladiators was very limited and he stressed the need for a minimum of two Hurricane squadrons and one bomber squadron. With respect to his ability to hold North Norway with the means proposed by the Chiefs of Staff, he made the rather convoluted statement that it depended on the German ability to attack. If the Germans were able to attack, he declined to accept responsibility for the safety of his forces.

  Retreat from Mo to Posthus

  The road distance from Mo to Fauske, where the road bends westward to Bodø, is approximately 140 kilometers. The provincial capital of Bodø, one of the largest towns in North Norway, is located about 35 kilometers west of Fauske. Considerable forces were available to Brigadier Gubbins for the defense of this area. The Irish Guards and South Wales Borderers who had lost all their equipment in earlier attempts to reach Bodø were now reequipped and brought to Bodø in destroyers and Norwegian fishing vessels on May 20 and 21, without loss. This gave Gubbins a force of two infantry battalions, four independent companies, and two artillery batteries in the Bodø area. He also had one infantry battalion and one independent company between Mo and Bodø. The numerical strength of his forces was around 4,500.

  The demoralized remnants of two Norwegian infantry battalions, a company from the reserve battalion of the 16th Inf, and the 11th Motorized Artillery Battery were located between Mo and Bodø. The final Norwegian reinforcement, the 1/15th Inf reached Røsvik (north of Fauske) from Bardufoss on May 25.

  Trappes-Lomax and Roscher-Nielsen met during the night of 19-20 May at Krokestrand. They agreed to hold a rear guard position at Messingsletten to allow a quick withdrawal of their main forces over the barren Saltfjell mountain plateau and to organize an effective defense in the area between Storjord and Posthus. At this time, Trappes-Lomax received a message from General Auchinleck, quoted by Connell, saying, “You have now reached a good position for defence. Essential to stand and fight … I rely on Scots Guards to stop the enemy.”

  Trappes-Lomax pointed out that to fight a decisive action at Messingsletten, with the barren mountains at their backs, was tantamount to squandering the only battalion in the area. A telephone conversation with Brigadier Gubbins led to a slight modification in the orders. Trappes-Lomax was to fight hard and only retire when necessary to save his battalion. Based on Norwegian sources, it appears that the overall plan was for Trappes-Lomax to hold the Krokestrand area as long as possible and thereafter withdraw to the Viskiskoia area, which was to be held for at least three days to give the Irish Guards and two independent companies time to prepare defensive positions at Posthus.

  The advance elements of General Feurstein’s division underwent a slight reorganization after the fighting at Stien. The two leading battle groups, Sorko and Schratz (commander of the 3rd Battalion, 138th Regiment) were placed under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Nake, the new commander of the 138th Regiment. The first German objective after capturing Mo on May 18 was to secure the Saltfjell plateau. Group XXI’s order to Feurstein on May 19 called for a relentless pursuit, even if it had to be undertaken with weak and lightly armed detachments.

  The defense of the Krokestrand area was based on three delaying positions behind destroyed bridges. The German advance was delayed by the destruction but the fight at each position was short. Contemporary news reports of actions between Mo and Posthus were wildly inaccurate, citing German losses of 1,000 men.8 In fact, the 2nd Mountain Division suffered only 467 casualties (200 killed, 234 wounded, and 33 missing) during the campaign in Norway.9

  The first delaying position, covering a blown bridge at Messingsletten, was held by one company of the Scots Guards and Captain Ellinger’s detachment. The British and Norwegians were tired and depressed after days of fighting and withdrawing under continued German air attacks. The British held the left side of the road while the Norwegians held the more broken terrain on the right. Ellinger describes what occurred after the first German probe:

  Then something strange happened. From my command post, I saw one of the guards stand up on the other side of the road, throw away everything and vanish to the rear. One more did likewise, then others, and at the end, the whole company disappeared while the field was strewn with rifles, pouches, and lambskin overcoats. I did not understand what had happened … It was never established what caused the panic. Fear is an acute evil and very infectious. But it was strange that anything like this was possible in one of the world’s best-trained and disciplined regiments.10

  Ellinger and his men collected a truck-full of discarded equipment and delivered it to Trappes-Lomax the following morning.

  The next delaying position was behind the blown bridge at Krokestrand. Trappes-Lomax met Captain Ellinger on May 21 and showed him a written order he had received stating that this was the place where he should be able to stop the Germans. Ellinger reports that they both smiled sarcastically since it was hard to imagine terrain less suitable for defense. While reconnoitering a final delaying position south of Saltfjell, Trappes-Lomax asked Ellinger what they were lacking. Without hesitation, Ellinger answered “One thousand Finnish soldiers.” The Germans attacked the British position at Krokestrand and Trappes-Lomax ordered a retreat when a German envelopment threatened the British line
of withdrawal.

  In the last position south of Saltfjell, the Guards had their backs to the mountains, figuratively speaking. It was held until the evening of May 22 since German air superiority made a retreat over the narrow road on the desolate mountain plateau during daytime impossible. Norwegian troops had cleared the road to make the retreat possible and Ellinger describes the snow as several meters high on both sides. The Germans repaired the bridge at Krokestrand within 24 hours and they soon applied strong pressure on the Scots Guards’ position. The British battalion and the Norwegian detachment withdrew from this last position south of Saltfjell after darkness on May 22 and covered the 30-some kilometers of mountains before daylight.

  The British military leadership in Harstad appears to have placed great reliance on Gubbins, who called Colonel Dowler, Auchinleck’s chief of staff, in the evening of May 19. Gubbins told Dowler he had spent the day with Trappes-Lomax and was quite happy about the situation. Dowler briefed him on the exchange that had taken place between Trappes-Lomax and Auchinleck and the latter’s insistence on a stubborn defense. This caused a quick change in Brigadier Gubbins’ view of the situation. He told Dowler that he understood and concurred with Auchinleck’s desires and related that during his meeting with Trappes-Lomax he had expressed some disagreement with his plan. Gubbins received a call from Auchinleck at midnight to confirm what his chief of staff had said earlier. Gubbins again voiced understanding and agreement and said he would travel south to see Trappes-Lomax. Auchinleck told Gubbins not to hesitate to remove any officer unfit for command.