Sacrifice (The Red Gambit Series. Book 5)

by Colin Gee

  1000 hrs, Friday, 22nd February 1946, Chateau de Versailles, France.

  With a sense of dramatic, De Gaulle had personally selected the War Drawing room as the location of the meeting between the heads of the Allied Powers.

  Once known as the King’s Cabinet, the large room contained celebrations of Louis XIV’s military prowess.

  The centre of the ornate room was occupied by a huge solid table, providing sufficient space for all the representatives of the Allied powers to be comfortably seated.

  Behind each prime position, two or three chairs were provided for advisors, depending on the size of the military contingent.

  The head of the table, behind which stood a number of concealed maps, was set aside for the Supreme Allied Commander and his immediate staff. Eisenhower was already seated, drawing heavily on his cigarette as he eavesdropped the British Prime Minister’s conversation with Von Papen, present in his role as German Chancellor.

  Tedder and Bedell-Smith juggled with a few papers, setting matters in final order before the presentation began.

  A few of those present were unfamiliar to him, although most were household names.

  Feeling the approach of an invisible energy field, Eisenhower yanked himself from his solitude and stood as President Harry S. Truman swept into the room, quickly extinguishing his cigarette, before earning a disapproving look from his political master. Shaking hands and exchanging pleasantries as he circulated the room, Truman still moved swiftly to his position opposite Churchill, both men sitting close to Eisenhower, as befitted their status.

  Pausing only to shake de Gaulle’s hand, then Eisenhowers’, President Truman slipped easily into the embroidered upholstery of the gilded seat and looked expectantly around him, acknowledging Churchill with a friendly smile.

  “Winston.”

  “Harry.”

  Such was the relationship between the two.

  Truman had arrived in England three days before, spending his time at Chequers, as the two leaders decided on their joint approach to the proposed military plans for the months ahead.

  In full agreement, they now sat either side of their chosen commander, ready for the presentation to begin.

  Eisenhower stood and cleared his throat.

  “Sirs,” the simple address had been agreed beforehand, if only to save time, as well as not challenging Ike’s memory, “Welcome.”

  The muttered replies lasted a few seconds, giving Eisenhower the opportunity to sip at his water.

  “Most of you have forces already committed to operations in Europe, and specifically within Operation Spectrum.”

  He moved to one side, where a map outlining Spectrum thus far was marked out, indicating how the Allied forces had taken the initiative.

  Using the map as an aid, he gave a quick résumé of the portions of Spectrum to date, commencing with the successful but costly French-led Spectrum-Black diversion, during which De Gaulle adopted the smuggest of smug expressions.

  Keeping specifics to a minimum, Eisenhower shifted through the ground and air phases, up to where weather and Soviet resistance terminated operations.

  Taking a sip of water, he moved into summing up the present situation.

  “Overall, air operations, and in a limited way, ground operations, in line with the basic needs of Spectrum, have been maintained throughout the winter period, and we’ve taken the opportunity offered by the lull, to reinforce units, stockpile assets, and compile as much intelligence as possible on the enemy we face.”

  Another sip eased his drying throat.

  “In short, their Air Force is all but negated, and has a limited defensive capability, with almost no offensive power whatsoever. We control the skies, gentlemen, although we cannot permit ourselves to be complacent in that regard.”

  Sounds of agreement gave him a moment’s pause.

  “Their Navy hurt us badly at the start of the war, but is now pretty much confined to its ports and coastal waters, both in the Arctic and Baltic areas. Occasional excursions have been detected and successfully prosecuted.”

  “However, their ground forces still represent a huge threat, albeit that we finally stopped their advance in December.”

  Ike nodded to Colonel Hood who, with assistance from Anne-Marie Foster, uncovered a large map of Europe, showing the dispositions of the two mighty armies, down to Corps level, from Murmansk to the southern borders of the USSR.

  Giving the assembly a moment to digest the presentation, Eisenhower fought his desire for tobacco.

  Truman was a non-smoker and didn’t care for the habit being exercised around him, although he tolerated Churchill’s ‘Romeo y Julieta’ Cuban cigars with good grace.

  “A word of caution. These indicators are not indicators of unit size, and some of our units are below full strength, as are numerous Soviet formations.”

  In addition to the front line forces and reserves, there were two definite clusters of corps markers on the Allied side of the divide, neither in the front line, and the more astute politicians noted their presence with understanding.

  Eisenhower then slipped into his briefing with more care, as most of the precise fact was not for the ears of all those present.

  Talking in generalities, and waving his hand in indistinct movements, he talked through the intent to take the fight to the Russians as soon as the winter had receded.

  Occasionally, Ike stopped to focus on one national group or another, first singling out President Camacho of Mexico for thanks at the arrival of the Mexican Battle group, presently billeted around Nice, getting itself ready for integration into the Allied forces.

  Similarly, the Argentine Foreign Minister, Juan Isaac Cooke, received plaudits for the newly committed ground force his nation had supplied.

  Whilst the presence of some of these national formations was a political exercise, and the difficulties of integrating them into the fighting forces would undoubtedly outweigh their usefulness, any and all commitments from the Allied nations was to be applauded and ‘talked up’.

  Eisenhower fielded a few general questions from the floor, delighting Nereu de Oliveira Ramos, the Brazilian Vice-president, with assurances that his military contingent would be handed an important part in the coming offensive.

  The presentation concluded on cue, and the politicians rose, the air filled with noises of self-congratulation, before they all moved off to partake of a hearty lunch.

  1430 hrs, Friday, 22nd February 1946, Chateau de Versailles, France.

  Back in the War Drawing room once more, Eisenhower now faced a much smaller audience.

  After lunch, the heads of state had been driven away to observe a parade at the local St Cyr Military Academy, where contingents of every national force would march past.

  That left ten men to be fully briefed on the coming Allied operations; men who all understood the need for, and requirements of, utmost secrecy.

  The table had been reduced in size, permitting the ten men to sit side by side and facing Eisenhower and his team.

  Nearest the entrance sat the French.

  De Gaulle had intended to place himself centrally, but had been outmanoeuvred by the early arrival of Churchill and Truman.

  Sat with General de L’Armee Alphonse Juin, Chief of Staff of the French Army, he failed to hide his annoyance.

  Adjacent to him was the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, Field Marshall Viscount Sir Allan Brooke, himself a fluent French speaker, positioned so as to both communicate with the French leader, as well as overhear anything of note that he and his CoS should discuss.

  Churchill was next, sat alongside Truman, far enough apart to give each man personal space, but close enough to allow a modest lean to bring an ear closer to the whisperer’s lips.

  General of the Army George C. Marshall sat next to Von Papen, engaging in light conversation with the assistance of the interpreter, Major Golding.

  Speer was poring over a folder, checking and double-checking figures on production. />
  The final pair were speaking softly in Spanish, as General Muñoz Grandes answered a few direct questions from Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo Franco y Bahamonde, the caudillo of Spain, more commonly known as Generalissimo Franco.

  On signal, Hood and Foster removed the largest cover, to sounds of surprise and loud intakes of breath.

  The arrows were numerous and bit deep into Soviet-held territory.

  Ike revelled in the audacious plan that was set before his political masters.

  “Sirs, what you see before you is the general concept for the last phases of Spectrum.”

  He turned to the map and finally found use for his pointer.

  “Violet,” he tapped a few of the numerous markers across the length and breadth of enemy territory, “The dismantling of Soviet support infrastructure across Europe, interdiction, and expanded heavy bomber missions to reduce Soviet production and resupply capability.”

  The pointer flicked to Holland.

  “White. The establishment of a FUSAG style decoy, known as SAAG for Second Allied Army group, intended to pin the enemy 1st Baltic Front in place here,” he indicated the Northern German Plain.”

  “Indigo. The invasion of Northern Poland by sea, in order to support the planned revolt by the armed forces of Poland.”

  He paused, taken in by the grandeur of the next phase.

  “Orange. The general rolling back of the Red Army to the positions occupied in August 1945, and beyond.”

  The very scale of Orange was breathtaking.

  Eisenhower was presenting the plan for ratification by those present, as their national forces would be playing the biggest parts in the months to come, and the five national leaders present represented the five largest contingents of land troops in the Allied Armies, with the exception of the Poles, who had been excluded from the presentation solely because no-one from the 1st Polish Army had been available to attend.

  De Gaulle, always pressing for a bigger French role, was well satisfied with the assignments for his formations, although noted the relocation that would need to be undertaken to bring his forces in between the German Army and that of the United States.

  Neither Churchill nor Alanbrooke bothered to feign surprise, both already knowing most of what the basic presentation held.

  Truman and Marshall similarly held their peace.

  Franco stared in wonderment at the scale of Allied expectation, his own forces being handed some clearly crucial missions in the plan.

  Von Papen and Speer had known the bare bones of it all, but to see the centre ground dedicated to the new German Republican Army, was something else entirely, and both men were moved by the onerous tasks allotted to their troops.

  Not the least of which was illustrated by a single black arrow, a symbol of the potential third stage of the advance, which took the German Army to Berlin.

  Eisenhower’s reasoning had been quite simple, but he kept it to himself in the present company.

  Firstly, the Germans would most likely fight harder for their own capital. Secondly, it would be a bloodbath of biblical proportions, one to be avoided by the British, French, and American Armies.

  Colonel Hood distributed ten numbered copies of a document to the assembled listeners, and then Eisenhower swung into his presentation proper.

  Norway was first, where the forces in country were British, German, and Norwegian.

  There had been much deliberation over the possibilities of opening another area of operations by attacking the USSR through Norway, one Churchill was particularly supportive of, the idea of which had received a cool welcome in both Oslo and Stockholm.

  Using the additional strain on logistics as an excuse, further development of the concept was put on hold, if only to assuage the fears of their Scandanavian friends

  Eisenhower’s pointer found ‘White’.

  “SAAG. This formation comprises no forces of note at this time, although we intend to fill it out when reinforcements become available. Running it as a FUSAG operation, we intend to use it to pin the Soviet 1st Baltic Front in place. From our intelligence sources, it seems that the Soviets have taken the bait.”

  He took a deep breath.

  “Orange and Indigo are mutually supporting sections of the plan.”

  Using the pointer, he swept the length of the front line from north to south.

  “British, Commonwealth, and Free forces will assault on a relatively narrow front, in order to focus power and drive deep into Soviet-held Germany, specifically targeting the 1st Baltic, which will receive a considerable amount of attention from our strike and bomber forces and, for that matter, naval forces, who will support from close inshore where possible. We intend to push this large Soviet grouping into tight pockets where our aircraft can maximise the effect of their strikes, but also remembering that the intent is to breakthrough to the Indigo perimeter.”

  Von Papen spoke rapidly to Goldstein, causing Eisenhower to stop.

  “Sir, the Chancellor asks if the name ‘Pantomime’ is now finished?”

  “Apologies. Pantomime refers to the ground operations subsequent to Indigo, which is the amphibious phase.”

  Von Papen seemed satisfied, so Ike continued.

  “Here, the German Army will launch a two pronged offensive, the initial intent of which is to relieve pressure on the Ruhr. These two assaults will be aimed at… Berlin… and Dresden”

  Eisenhower paused for no other reason than a muscle twinge, but the delay allowed the others present to conjure up the sights and sounds of horror that would accompany any clash in the German capital.

  “The French Army will drive on Prague, again on a relatively narrow front.”

  “US forces will attempt an encircling of Soviet forces in south-west Germany,” the pointer described circular motions north of Switzerland, “Intending on sealing the enemy forces by taking Munich by south and north-west assaults.”

  “More German and Austrian forces will drive eastwards, securing the Danube at Vienna.”

  Last tap on the map highlighted a difficult area, and one that had caused some division amongst the planners.

  “North-east Italy will see no great action on our part. Messages from Tito are unclear, but the Yugoslav commitment has remained at the volunteer level first spoken of. Our forces will be under strict orders not to violate Yugoslavian territory or air space.”

  Ike realised he had raced through his last statement, so paused to allow Goldstein to interpret.

  “In any case, we will be reducing the British, Commonwealth and Free forces in Northern Italy, whilst we assess the feasibility of the operation suggested by the Prime Minister.”

  Churchill had come up with another idea of hurting the Soviet Union and Eisenhower could only admit that it had some merits, although previous looks at the general concept had ensured rejection because of a lack of assets.

  None the less, a mission had been sent to establish whether such an operation was possible, and the mission, led by Lieutenant General Sir Frederick E Morgan, was due back from Tehran within the week.

  “Spectrum is a far-reaching plan with many facets, and it will need to be revised as we go along, but the general principles are sound.”

  Placing the pointer on the table in studied fashion, Eisenhower tugged his tunic into place.

  “Sirs, this winter has been hard on both sides, but we think harder on the enemy. Our Air Forces have destroyed huge quantities of their supplies, laid waste their infrastructure, disrupted their own recuperation, whereas, our own forces have been able to build-up and strengthen. We are more powerful as an Allied Army than ever we were before, and we have the materiel behind us to go all the way with Spectrum, whereas recent intelligence suggests that the average Red Army soldier in the frontline is starving, literally.”

  Eisenhower coughed nervously.

  “This will not come cheap, by any means, but with air superiority and speed of attack, we can prevail and…..”

  Eisenhower ced
ed to the man who had raised his hand.

  “General Eisenhower, whilst your plan seems to have merit, and I understand the advantages of speed of attack, the American public saw huge numbers of their boys die in the first few months of this awful war, in larger numbers than in the previous conflict too. I know that our allies all face the same public outcry on casualties. What happens when the telegrams start flooding into post boxes, come the start of this?”

  The question was purely rhetorical, the moment orchestrated, and Truman exchanged glances with Churchill, before continuing.

  “I’ll tell you what will happen. There’ll be an outcry; mothers from Maine to Missouri will grieve for lost sons, and in numbers we’ve not yet experienced.”

  Churchill stood, gathering himself, looking at the powerful men around him.

  “Gentlemen, some while ago we came together as Allies, attacked and betrayed, united by communist treachery. At that time, in those dark hours, we resolved to resist with all our might, and we set out our goals for this present conflict. They were simple and morally sound. They have not changed; no, for indeed, they cannot change. But perhaps now, here, I think we can all see the awful spectre that is the potential bloody price of our commitment.”

  Grasping his lapel in time honoured fashion, Churchill spoke with real passion.

  “I would that no more sons of our nations died in this abomination, but that is beyond our control.”

  “We must end this war, as quickly as possible, staying true to our morals, for the good of all nations, for we cannot let this, any of this, stand.”

  Looking at Truman, the old campaigner, gathered himself.

  “If I may borrow some words from a fine and noble man, who once held me at great disadvantage*,” those who knew exactly to whom Winston referred smiled involuntarily, “He said…you cannot escape the responsibility of tomorrow, by evading it today.”

  He left the quote from Abraham Lincoln to be absorbed in silence.

  Gesturing at the map, Churchill waved his free hand over its lines and arrows.

  “Regardless of whether this plan is approved, or the next, or the next, there will be a devil’s bill of monumental proportions, and we must prepare our people for it, as well as ensure that they understand how much worse it could be if we did nothing.”