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Science Has No Sex

Page 43

by Arleen Marcia Tuchman


  36. Zakrzewska, Introductory Lecture, 8–9. Ann Preston also shaped an introductory lecture she gave at the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania in 1855 around the theme of medical progress. See Wells, Out of the Dead House, 66.

  37. Zakrzewska, Introductory Lecture, 14.

  38. Cited in WQ, 175.

  39. Cited in ibid., 251. This quotation is not directly from Gregory but is rather Zakrzew-

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  ska’s rendition of what Sewall told her Gregory had said. There is, however, no reason to doubt that this quotation accurately reflects Gregory’s sentiments. Gregory’s comment is little di√erent from that of other American physicians, who also spoke disparagingly of microscopes. See Warner, Therapeutic Perspective, 219.

  40. Cited in WQ, 165. Ironically, one of the criticisms American physicians had of science was that it led physicians to adopt a ‘‘routine practice,’’ by which they meant a fixed course of treatment rather than focusing on the peculiarities of the case before them. See Warner, Therapeutic Perspective, 218.

  41. Cited in WQ, 281.

  42. Ibid., 257, 276; Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 47; ‘‘Stadt Boston’’ (27 February 1862), 6, where it is mentioned that Zakrzewska had resigned her position.

  43. Jacobi, ‘‘Women in Medicine,’’ 146.

  44. Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 2, 24, 38–44; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 74–75, 77. Chicago’s Woman’s Hospital Medical College, which was founded in 1870 under the leadership of Mary Thompson, also required clinical instruction and dissection when it opened its doors. See Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 80.

  45. WQ, 382. On the merger, see Gardner, ‘‘Midwife, Doctor, or Doctress?,’’ 226–34, and Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 107–11.

  c h a p t e r e i g h t

  The title of this chapter is taken from the title of a lecture Zakrzewska gave in January 1863, in which she laid out her vision of the hospital she had just helped to create.

  1. On the Woman’s Hospital of Philadelphia, see Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 24–26.

  2. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 March 1863).

  3. Huggins, Protestants against Poverty, 93; Irving, Safe Deliverance; Vogel, Invention of the Modern Hospital, 9–19; Watson, Charity Organization Movement, 178, 197–201.

  4. See Boyer, Urban Masses; Deutsch, Women and the City; Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse; Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls; Rosenberg, Care of Strangers; and Vogel, Invention of the Modern Hospital.

  5. See Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, 66, 70–75, and Boyer, Urban Masses, 86–94. On the blend of medical care and moral education at the New England Hospital, see Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 60–64, 83–85.

  6. ‘‘Lecture on Hospitals,’’ 19.

  7. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler.’’ Ironically, since she gave the lecture in English, it had to be translated into German for the readers of Der Pionier. The English translation here is my own.

  8. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 February 1863). On Massachusetts General Hospital, see Bowditch, History of the Massachusetts General Hospital. See also Vogel, Invention of the Modern Hospital. On Boston City Hospital, see Vogel, Invention of the Modern Hospital, 290.

  9. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 February 1863). Zakrzewska returns to this theme in

  ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ AR, 1868, 11.

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  290 ≤

  10. Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1864, 3–9. On Zakrzewska’s discussion of ‘‘Häuslichkeit,’’ see

  ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (11 February 1863).

  11. ‘‘Hospital for Women and Children,’’ 187.

  12. Annual Report of the Trustees of the Massachusetts General Hospital, 1863, 15; Annual Report of the Trustees of the Massachusetts General Hospital, 1864, 9. See also Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, 95.

  13. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, chap. 4.

  14. See Chapter 7.

  15. Regina Kunzel has written in particular of Christian evangelical reformers’ belief in the ‘‘redemptive power of domesticity.’’ See Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls, 28. See also Deutsch, Women and the City, 54–77, on the middle-class link between domesticity and morality.

  16. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (18 February 1863).

  17. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 February 1863). On the di≈culties of distinguishing between the worthy and unworthy poor, see Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, 10. Sickness, unemployment, widowhood, and the like could reduce a ‘‘worthy’’ working-class family to paupers overnight. I mention Zakrzewska’s derogatory comments about the French and the Irish in Chapter 6.

  18. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (11 February 1863).

  19. Rosenberg, Care of Strangers.

  20. Michael Katz was describing Josephine Shaw Lowell when he made this comment.

  See Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, 71.

  21. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (11 February 1863).

  22. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 February 1863). On the belief of some evangelical Christians that poverty was necessary, see Huggins, Protestants against Poverty, especially his introduction.

  23. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 February 1863). In the same speech, she criticized large public institutions for failing to o√er a ‘‘home to the homeless in which the friendless are assured of friends.’’ On the sentimentalism of evangelical reformers, see Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls, 25–35.

  24. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 March 1863). Zakrzewska’s discussion of the foreign population was published in the same issue.

  25. Ibid.

  26. The quotation from Massachusetts General Hospital is cited in Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, 103. On Philadelphia, see Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 26, and Wells, Out of the Dead House, 19. Notably, when Boston City Hospital opened its doors in 1864, it too chose not to care for women in childbirth. See Vogel, Invention of the Modern Hospital, 35. The New York Asylum for Lying-In Women was more lenient, but it helped only first-time mothers. As I discuss in the next chapter, Zakrzewska defended single mothers of multiple births as well. On New York, see Quiroga, Poor Mothers and Babies, esp. chap. 2, and Stansell, City of Women, 70–72. On antebellum reform societies’ interest in redeeming ‘‘fallen women,’’ see Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence; Hewitt, Women’s Activism and Social Change; and Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class.

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  27. Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls, 20–21; Morton, And Sin No More.

  28. No date; cited in WQ, 315.

  29. The elite Boston physician Walter Channing, who consulted at the New England Hospital, shared Zakrzewska’s view. See Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, 198–204. In contrast, the dominant view in antebellum America, best exemplified by reformers such as Lemuel Shattuck, held individual behavior to be the primary determinant of disease. See Rosenkrantz, Public Health and the State, 14–36.

  30. Zakrzewska mentioned this strategy in ‘‘Annual Meeting of the ‘Hospital for Women and Children,’ ’’ 182. See also Cheney, ‘‘Secretary’s Report,’’ AR, 1863, 5, and History and Description of the New England Hospital, 25.

  31. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (18 February 1863).

  32. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (25 February 1863).

  33. Ibid.; ‘‘Ueber Hospitäler’’ (4 March 1863).

  34. The bylaws can be found in Fiftieth Anniversary of the New England Hospital, 17. Also, the annual reports of the hospital did not fail to emphasize this point. See, for example, Cheney,

  ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1864, 3–9.

  35. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ A
R, 1865, 18. According to Wells ( Out of the Dead House, 65), Ann Preston shared Zakrzewska’s sentiment about male physicians attending female patients. On Horatio Storer’s experience at the New England Hospital, see Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 56–57; WQ, 310, 338–44; and a slip of paper (undated) mentioning Zakrzewska’s dealings with Storer, in the NEHWC Collection, box 6, folder 14, SS. Storer’s appointment did not turn out well, and he resigned after only three years.

  36. On women physicians’ positive assessment of coeducation, see Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 66–67.

  37. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ AR, 1865, 13.

  38. The complete list of all nineteen members can be found in WQ, 487 n. 8. For a good analysis of the supporters of the New England Hospital, see Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 44–70. Cheney, Sewall, Bowditch, and Channing will all be dealt with in greater detail below.

  For evidence of the other individuals’ social activism, see Jensen, ‘‘Severance’’; Merrill and Ruchames, Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 1:41, 2:331, 3:450, 4:184, 331, 359–66, 624, 687, 5:269; Ti√any, Samuel E. Sewall, 53, 73; Garrison and Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 2:189; History and Description of the New England Hospital, 6–8; WQ, 293–94; and an obituary of the Hon. Thomas Russell, in the Boston Transcript, 2 February 1887.

  39. ‘‘Paper Read by Dr. Zakrzewska at the Opening of the Sewall Maternity House,’’ AR, 1892, 13. Clarke founded the Church of the Disciples in 1841 and continued as its minister until his death in 1888. See W. W. F., ‘‘James Freeman Clarke,’’ and Hale, James Freeman Clarke. On links between Clarke’s church and members of the New England’s sta√, see Hale, James Freeman Clarke, 193–94, 207, 328, and Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, 221, 348 n. 59. In 1887, the hospital celebrated its twenty-fifth anniversary at Clarke’s Church of the Disciples.

  See Fiftieth Anniversary of the New England Hospital, 20.

  40. James Freeman Clarke to his sister, 7 January 1841, in Hale, James Freeman Clarke, 155.

  On Clarke, Parker, and Emerson’s influence on them, see Robinson, Unitarians and the Univer-

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  292 ≤

  salists, 75–86, 102–6, 234–35, 302–3. Clarke’s wife, Mrs. Anna H. Clarke, served on the Board of Directors of the New England Hospital for the first several decades of its existence.

  41. The list of interconnections between these individuals includes the friendship between the Severances and the Garrisons, as well as that between the Garrisons and the Stephensons. Hale also wrote a biography of Clarke, and the Sewalls and the Mays were cousins.

  42. For biographical information on Cheney, see Cheney, Reminiscences; Ingebritsen, ‘‘Ednah Dow Littlehale Cheney’’; Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 48; and Cheney, ‘‘Theodore Parker,’’ 51.

  43. The founding members of the New England Women’s Club included Caroline M.

  Severance, Ednah D. Cheney, Lucia M. Peabody, Mrs. Jonathan A. Lane, Julia Ward Howe, Lucy Goddard, and Mrs. H. W. Sewall. On the meaning of the New England Hospital for women’s rights advocates, see Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 45–48. On ‘‘female institution building,’’ see Freedman, ‘‘Separatism as Strategy,’’ 513. On nineteenth-century women’s networks, see also Cott, Bonds of Womanhood, and Ryan, ‘‘Power of Women’s Networks.’’

  44. Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1866, 6; Cheney, Memoir of Susan Dimock, 38–39. See also Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1865, 10, and ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1867, 6, and History and Description of the New England Hospital, 25–26. Weld’s gift is mentioned in the AR, 1868, 8. On Weld, see Anderson, Under the Black Horse Flag, 30–39, and Merrill and Ruchames, Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 6:54.

  The Woman’s Hospital of Philadelphia was also on record as accepting patients ‘‘without regard to their religious belief, nationality or color’’; cited in Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 26.

  45. Cheney, Reminiscences, 60.

  46. On Sewall, see Ti√any, Samuel E. Sewall; Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 50–51; and Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 116. The various slave cases are discussed in Ti√any, Samuel E. Sewall, 58–100; the quotation is from 99.

  47. Sewall, Legal Condition.

  48. Zakrzewska’s comment is cited in Ti√any, Samuel E. Sewall, 132. For Zakrzewska’s refusal to attend his funeral, see her letter to Garrison, 22 December 1888, Garrison Family Collection, Correspondence, box 61, SS.

  49. On Bowditch, see Bowditch, Life and Correspondence; Scanlon, ‘‘Henry Ingersoll Bowditch’’; Merrill and Ruchames, Letters of William Lloyd Garrison, 3:155–56, 542, 641–42; and Ti√any, Samuel E. Sewall, 70. It bears mention that Bowditch was also a Unitarian. See Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, 338 n. 46.

  50. Bowditch, Life and Correspondence, 1:130–31.

  51. WQ, 277, 393–95.

  52. Bowditch, Life and Correspondence, 2:212, 215. On Bowditch’s support of women’s rights, see as well WQ, 336–37, and his article ‘‘Female Practitioners of Medicine.’’

  53. On Jarvis, see Dictionary of American Biography, s.v. Jarvis, Edward. On Channing’s Address on the Prevention of Pauperism (1843), see Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, chap. 10. On Channing’s and Ware’s vote to admit black students to Harvard Medical School, see Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, 208. On Ware’s political and religious leanings, see Kass, Midwifery and Medicine, 338 n. 46, and Robinson, Unitarians and the Universalists, 331–32.

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  54. In 1860, in an exchange of letters with Zakrzewska, John Ware reiterated the objections he had articulated in his article ‘‘Success in the Medical Profession,’’ but he also admitted that he ‘‘may be mistaken’’ and was ‘‘quite willing to find myself in the wrong.’’ Perhaps the year he consulted at the New England Hospital marked his willingness to explore the foundation of his views. Unfortunately, he died the following year without returning to the question of women’s medical education. See John Ware to Zakrzewska, 13 December 1860, reprinted in WQ, 255–56. See also John Ware to Zakrzewska, 11 February 1860, reprinted in ibid., 254–

  55.

  55. Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 54–56, discusses Clarke’s a≈liation with the New England Hospital. See also WQ, 254.

  56. Clarke, ‘‘Recent Progress in Materia Medica,’’ 320–21.

  57. Warner discusses Clarke’s embrace of physiological therapeutics in Against the Spirit of System, 336.

  58. Ibid., 344–47.

  59. WQ, 315.

  60. Zakrzewska to Lucy Sewall, 20 February 1863, cited in WQ, 308–9. Zakrzewska did not mention which friend accompanied her to New York. See also her letter on 25 January 1863, cited in ibid., 306–8. On Breed, see ibid., 295, and Rochford, ‘‘New England Hospital.’’

  61. Zakrzewska to Lucy Sewall, 7 May 1863, cited in WQ, 311; Elizabeth Blackwell to Emily and Kitty, 15 November 1865, Blackwell Family Papers, SL. See also Zakrzewska to Dall, 26

  January 1865, in Dall Papers, box 4, folder 1.

  62. Zakrzewska to Caroline Dall, 25 March 1866, Dall Papers, box 2, folder 15. On the Lowell Institute, see Story, Forging of an Aristocracy, 14–16.

  63. Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1869, 5.

  c h a p t e r n i n e

  1. Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ AR, 1868, 9–21. Statistics are from the annual reports for the years ending 1863–65.

  2. AR, 1900–1902. See also WQ, 293; Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 136–40; and Fiftieth Anniversary of the New England Hospital, 21–22.

  3. Bertha van Hoosen, ‘‘Report of the Resident Physician,’’ AR, 1891, 11; Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1865, 6; Cheney, ‘‘Report of the Secretary,’’ AR, 1886, 5.

  4. See Rosenberg, ‘‘Inward Vision and Outward Glance’’ and Care of Strangers; Rosner, Once Charitable Enterprise; Starr, Social Transformation of American Medicine; and Stevens, In Sickness and in Weal
th.

  5. Cheney, ‘‘Secretary’s Report,’’ AR, 1863, 5. Statistics are from the annual reports, 1863–

  68. On the desire for expansion, see Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1868, 7–8.

  6. Rosenberg, Care of Strangers, 109–15.

  7. Sewall’s comment is from ‘‘Report of the Resident Physician,’’ AR, 12; statistics are on 19.

  On the New England Hospital’s popularity because of its all-female sta√, see Drachman,

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  Hospital with a Heart, 71–75. On ‘‘women’s diseases,’’ see Wood, ‘‘ ‘Fashionable Diseases,’ ’’

  and Morantz, ‘‘Perils of Feminist History.’’

  8. Kirschmann, Vital Force, 58; Morantz-Sanchez, Sympathy and Science, 73–80; Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 24–26.

  9. Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1866, 8; Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ AR, 1865, 19. On policies at Massachusetts General Hospital, see Sewall, ‘‘Report of the Resident Physician,’’ AR, 1867, 12, in which she explicitly contrasted the policies of this hospital with those of the New England Hospital. On the dispensary movement in the United States, see Rosenberg, ‘‘Social Class and Medical Care.’’

  10. I have culled together the hospital’s admissions policy from the following sources: Cheney, ‘‘Report,’’ AR, 1864, 6–7; Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ AR, 1865, 15–16; C. K. W., ‘‘New England Hospital for Women and Children,’’ 35; AR, 1869, 3;

  ‘‘Circular,’’ AR, 1873; History and Description of the New England Hospital, 40; ‘‘Communication from the Medical Board of the NEHWC,’’ 25 May 1891, NEHWC Collection, box 6, folder 16, SS, reprinted in WQ, 449–50. On the medical sta√ ’s concern with the morality of those patients seeking admission, see Drachman, Hospital with a Heart, 60–64, 84–86. On policies at Massachusetts General Hospital and other hospitals, see Warner, Therapeutic Perspective, 103–5, and Rosenberg, Care of Strangers, 22–26.

  11. Peitzman, New and Untried Course, 26; Wells, Out of the Dead House, 19.

  12. Lucy Sewall, ‘‘Report of the Resident Physician,’’ AR, 1867, 16; Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ AR, 1868, 10–12. See also Zakrzewska, ‘‘Report of the Attending Physician,’’ AR, 1865, 13.

 

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