Empires at War

by Jr. , William M. Fowler

  Although the French threat was gone, the approaching winter was a worry. The ruined fort could never provide adequate shelter for Forbes's army, so the general decided to leave a few hundred men under Bouquet to garrison and rebuild the post while he led the main body back to Philadelphia. That he had managed to survive the campaign was a miracle. After lingering painfully, Forbes died in Philadelphia on March 11, 1759.

  Reports of Forbes's triumph came on the heels of news about the fall of another French bastion. Jeffrey Amherst had taken Louisbourg. Amherst was the well-connected protege of Lord Ligonier, who referred to him as "my dear pupil." He entered the king's service in 1735 as an ensign in the prestigious First Regiment of Foot guards. During the War of the Austrian Succession Amherst spent most of his time in Germany serving as an aide-de-camp to the duke of Cumberland, ending the war with the rank of lieutenant colonel. In 1756 Amherst returned to Germany as a "commissary" to Hessian troops, handling finance and logistics.36

  Although Amherst had never commanded a campaign, politics and connections counted for more than experience, and Ligonier persuaded Pitt that his "dear pupil" was the right man to lead the Louisbourg expedition. His youth and inexperience made him suspect to the king, and it took more than one visit to the royal "closet" to persuade His Majesty that an officer barely forty years old and without any battlefield command experience ought to take charge of an army bound against the French forces in Louis­bourg. The king finally consented, granting Amherst the rank of major general in North America.

  Rarely in any war does a soldier believe that his government has provided enough support for him to win in the field. Those who went to Louisbourg were no exception. In reality, however, Pitt was lavish in providing support for the attack. He assigned three brigadiers to assist Amherst: Charles Lawrence, Edward Whitmore, and James Wolfe. At the time of their appointment Lawrence and Whitmore were veterans already serving in North America, while Wolfe was in London. Command of the sea forces for the expedition was in the hands of "Wry-necked Dick," Admiral Edward Boscawen.37 Whether by chance, providence, or plan, Pitt had brought together a very able group of commanders.

  James Wolfe was the most junior of the brigadiers. The son of Lieutenant General Edward Wolfe, the young colonel knew Amherst and most likely received his new appointment through his friend's influence. He had served with Cumberland, had been at Culloden, and for a time was posted to Germany. Thus far his career had been fairly ordinary, and there was little to elevate him above his peers.38 During Whitmore's half a century in the army he had seen service in North America, Europe, Scotland, and the West Indies. Wolfe did not like him and described him as a man of "no health nor constitution for such business as we are going on; he never was a soldier."39 As was often the case with young Wolfe, his opinion was rash and unfounded.

  Charles Lawrence was also highly experienced. A career officer, he had been the person most directly responsible for pacifying Nova Scotia since 1749. As part of that effort he had directed the rounding up and deportation of the Acadians. As a reward for his "good work" he was made governor of Nova Scotia in 1756.40

  Pitt hoped to open this campaign no later than April 20, 1758, but as usual affairs went awry. Spring arrived late, and foul weather delayed the gathering of men, ships, and material at the Halifax rendezvous. On March 19, while Boscawen was still at sea with the main force, Sir Charles Hardy, his second in command, arrived at Halifax with eight ships of the line and two frigates. Hardy understood the absolute necessity of blockading Louisbourg. He turned his squadron around in less than a week and headed northeast to intercept any French vessels bound for Louisbourg.41

  The appearance of Hardy's ships off Cape Breton offered no surprise to the chevalier de Drucour, governor of Isle Royale and the senior officer at Louisbourg.42 In the nearly four years he had been at the fortress, Louis­bourg had been under a constant threat and intermittent enemy blockade. Its harbor, once one of the busiest trading centers in North America, was nearly empty save the few warships and transports riding at anchor that had been lucky enough to evade British patrols. Drucour's garrison numbered approximately 3,500 soldiers reinforced by an equal number of sailors and marines impressed from the ships at anchor in the harbor, as well as several hundred Indians and militia. Louisbourg also contained a civilian population of merchants, civil servants, and their families numbering at least 1,000.43 From its founding Louisbourg's face was set to the sea, and so were its defenses. Even in peace its land connections to the rest of Canada were long and difficult. A simple road ran from the fortress south across the narrow Strait of Canso and westerly to the isthmus at Chignecto. From that point via a variety of rough paths and small streams, travelers made their way over several hundred miles toward the St. Lawrence River. What geography made difficult the British made impossible when they captured Beausejour and Gaspereau, severing Louisbourg's overland route to the St. Lawrence.

  The year before, the presence of the Comte du Bois de la Motte's fleet in the harbor had persuaded Holbourne and Loudoun to abandon their attack. Having once been saved by the navy, Drucour looked again to that quarter for salvation.

  But the Admiralty was determined to thwart the French navy. To prevent reinforcements from reaching North America, Anson would keep the French fleet boxed in at home. In the Mediterranean, Admiral Henry Os-borne's blockaders kept a careful watch on the French fleet at Toulon. In late February 1758 Duquesne, late governor of Canada, broke out from Toulon and sailed toward Cartagena, hoping to rendezvous with Admiral Sabran La Clue. Once joined, La Clue and Duquesne intended to dash through the Straits of Gibraltar and make for Louisbourg. On the afternoon of February 258 Osborne's squadron caught up with Duquesne, and by evening the squadron was dispersed and the marquis was a prisoner. The remnants of the French Mediterranean squadron scurried to take refuge at Cartagena and Toulon.44

  The French fared no better in the Atlantic. At the very moment that Os­borne was writing dispatches about his victory over Duquesne, Edward Hawke was sailing under orders instructing him to intercept Canada-bound squadrons reported to be assembling at the Atlantic ports of Brest, Rochefort, and Bordeaux. In early April Hawke found his quarry in Basque Roads near the isle of Aix. Caught unaware, the French made a desperate attempt to escape up the Charente River to Rochefort. All was chaos-, ships ran aground as desperate crews hurried to dump stores and cannon overboard, hoping to lighten and refloat their vessels before the British burned them. In the late spring a few lucky French vessels managed to slip past British patrols into Louisbourg, bringing men and supplies, and also news of the unhappy events in the Mediterranean and Basque Roads. From these reports Drucour knew that further help was unlikely to reach him soon.

  Drucour prepared for a siege. He called in the small garrisons from the outlying parts of Isle Royale, while Louis Franquet, his chief engineer, did what he could to reinforce the fortress's crumbling walls. In the harbor ten warships mounting nearly five hundred guns were available to aid in the defense. Their commodore, the Marquis des Gouttes, demanded that Dru­cour allow him to run the British blockade and escape with his squadron to sea. Taken aback, Drucour instead ordered Gouttes to prepare his ships to fight from their moorings.45

  Boscawen arrived at Halifax on May 19. He waited patiently for Amherst, but aware that he had already fallen more than a full month behind Pitt's schedule, he decided that he could delay no longer. On May 29 he ordered the fleet under way, leaving behind an urgent request for Amherst to hurry and join him. Where was Amherst? Boscawen was mystified. The general had left Portsmouth aboard HMS Dublin more than a month ahead of him, and yet there was no sign of him.

  Almost as soon as Dublin had cleared Portsmouth harbor, it had encountered stiff easterly winds. Its captain, George Rodney, did all he could to tack west, but he was having little luck. When the lookout called out a strange sail to leeward, they were near the coast of France. Rodney took chase of the stranger, which, after pretending to be British, hoisted French colo
rs and identified itself as the French East Indiaman Monmartel. It put up a bold fight, but its guns were no match for Dublin s thunderous broadsides. Rodney's prize was bound from Mauritius to Nantes with a rich cargo of coffee and tropical woods. Rodney and his men—not including Amherst and his staff, who were only passengers—stood to reap a tidy fortune provided they could carry Monmartel to a safe port for adjudication and sale. Despite the fact that they were already at least two weeks late crossing the Atlantic, and that every day lost was one day less for the campaign in Canada, Rodney ordered Dublin to escort Monmartel to the Spanish port of Vigo. Two more weeks were needed in Vigo to settle affairs. Finally, Dublin laid a course for Halifax.46 Just as Boscawen was clearing the harbor and rounding on to a northerly course Dublin sailed into sight. The admiral hove to long enough to welcome the general aboard his flagship, Namur. Amherst apologized for his tardiness, officially laying the blame on "contrary Winds and Fog," and the fleet was once again bound for Louisbourg.47

  From Namur's high quarterdeck Jeffrey Amherst gazed over the largest combined force England had ever dispatched overseas. Everywhere he looked sails billowed and bluff bows cut the waves as the fleet scudded on before a favorable breeze. Forty men-of-war mounting more than eighteen hundred guns escorting nearly 150 transports filled the horizon. Nearly fourteen thousand soldiers shared space with huge quantities of equipment, stores, and munitions that had been crammed aboard for the short voyage. Aside from four companies of New England rangers, the entire force was made up of regulars. Amherst had little use for provincials.48

  On June 2;, the van of the British fleet drew near Louisbourg. While Boscawen's frigates scouted seaward, lest the fleet be surprised by a French attack, the main body entered Gabarus Bay, three miles south of the fortress. As is usual along this rugged coast, rain, fog, and running surf made it impossible to immediately approach land. The plan agreed to in Halifax called for the landing force to be divided into three divisions: Red led by General Wolfe, Blue under General Lawrence, and White commanded by General Whitmore. Kennington Cove, with its rocky, sloping beach, was the preferred landing site. All was in readiness, except the weather.49

  For five days Boscawen's ships tugged on their anchor cables in the bay. The admiral sent shallow draft vessels closer in to reconnoiter by fire, trying to tease out and fix the French positions. Franquet had prepared trenches and erected batteries overlooking the beaches. Nearly two thousand troops hunkered down in these positions, ready for the British assault. While the British jogged off shore waiting for better weather, Drucour welcomed some unexpected reinforcements. On May 2, four ships had managed to escape from Rochefort under the command of Commodore Du Chaffault de Besne, carrying the second battalion of the Cambis regiment. Du Chaffault had orders for Louisbourg, but as he neared the coast he learned that the British were present in force, and so he sailed west about fifty miles and landed at the tiny village of Port Dauphin. When Drucour heard of their arrival, he ordered the troops to march overland and the ships to sail for Quebec. The troops arrived at noon on June 6.50

  The next day began with the usual thick fog and heavy surf, but by afternoon the fog had lifted, the seas calmed, and the sun shone. Amherst decided to gamble that the weather would hold for at least another day. During the afternoon and night barges were brought alongside the transports. In the morning, at the first glint of daylight, soldiers climbed over the sides and crammed into the landing craft. The French held their fire until the boats were within range and then opened on them with artillery. Despite attempts to provide covering fire by the fleet, the French cannon drove the boats back while a fresh breeze churned the waters of Gabarus Bay into a heavy chop. In the midst of this looming disaster, Wolfe ordered his coxswains to steer left. By chance they found a gap in the French defenses. A boatload of light infantry scrambled ashore and secured a small beachhead. Within moments other boats followed, expanding the landing site.

  The siege of Louisbourg, June 8—July 26, 1758. (On this map, north is at the bottom.)

  French grenadiers rushed to plug the growing hole, but it was too late. British soldiers poured ashore, and the French defenders, fearing that their retreat might be cut off, withdrew toward Louisbourg. The British followed but halted when they came within range of the fortress's cannon. By noon four to five thousand British troops were ashore. The siege had begun.51

  As Amherst gazed over Louisbourg, he had little doubt that he could take it, and the best hope for a quick victory was to have Boscawen force the harbor. This, however, the admiral was unwilling to do—the risk, in his judgment, being too great. Boscawen's reluctance is understandable, for once inside the harbor the British ships would have to endure close and heavy fire from the guns of the fortress. The army took several days to land all its equipment and fortify the camp, but by the twelfth Amherst was ready to begin the siege in earnest. He sent Wolfe with fourteen hundred men to seize Light House Point on the north side of the harbor, while his engineers went to work building three redoubts on the western (landward) side of the fortress. Frequent firefights broke out between probing infantrymen while French cannon did what they could to disrupt British siege operations. At the mouth of the harbor French guns from the island battery poured fire on Wolfe's men at Light House Point.

  As the British noose tightened, French morale eroded. To encourage the men, each day Madame Drucour climbed the parapets to fire three cannon at the British. Amherst, the "officer and gentleman," recognized the lady's bravery, and he sent a pair of pineapples to her as a gesture of admiration. She returned the general's beau geste by sending over several bottles of fine champagne.52

  The conflict turned more serious on June 19 when all the British batteries, more than seventy guns, opened fire. For weeks thereafter the British crashed tons of iron onto the French. Walls crumbled, buildings were demolished and burned. Out in the harbor Gouttes's warships took heavy fire. Early in the afternoon of July 21 a lucky British mortar shot arched up from Light House Point and plunged through the deck of the seventy-four-gum L'Entreprenant, one of the largest vessels in the squadron, and set it afire. Fanned by a stiff breeze, flames licked up the rigging and spread to two nearby ships. L'Entreprenant blew apart, scattering its splintered remains all the way to the fortress.

  Jeffrey Amherst

  On the landward side Amherst's engineers dug their approaches closer and closer to Louisbourg's walls. Drucour's garrison was exhausted. On July 23 at ten in the evening British hot shot plunged through the roof of the King's Bastion and set it ablaze. The Bastion was the largest building in North America, and its loss eroded what little hope lingered among the French defenders. Two days later Boscawen took advantage of a cloaking fog and sent in a cutting-out party that destroyed the last two enemy warships. Now that there was nothing to stand in his way, the admiral prepared to force the harbor. It was not necessary. On the morning of the twenty-sixth the guns fell silent as French and British officers met to parlay.

  Contrary to the spirit of pineapples and wine, Amherst turned stern over the discussion of surrender. Given his brave defense, Drucour had every reason to expect the "honors of war." Perhaps because of the memory of William Henry, Amherst flatly rejected the French request, telling Drucour his men would be prisoners of war and that as such he expected them to surrender all their arms, equipment, and battle ensigns. He gave him one hour to reply.

  Amherst's demands sent Drucour and his officers into a rage. They vowed to fight to the end, but sounder heads prevailed to protect the hundreds of civilians, many of them women and children, and the wounded. Drucour accepted the humiliating terms, whereas the men of the Cambis regiment broke their muskets and burned their colors rather than hand them over to the British.53

  As the rest of the garrison laid down their arms, Amherst made preparations to send them back to France. On the first of August he received the disturbing news from Ticonderoga. Fearing that Montcalm might advance south, he dispatched several regiments to New York and made pla
ns to return to Boston. This unexpected development, plus the lateness of the season, made any move on Quebec impossible.54 But there was still enough time to deliver a few more blows. The general sent Colonel Andrew Rollo to take Prince Edward Island and round up more Acadians for deportation. Some were refugees from the previous cleansing around Fundy. Once again they were torn from their homes and tossed aboard ships.

  Amherst gave Wolfe an assignment as well. He ordered the young brigadier to ravage the Gaspe Peninsula. Flushed with victory and eager to move on to greater things, Wolfe thought this despoiling mission was beneath his dignity. He also dreaded being back at sea. He wrote to his mother that he would rather "besiege a Place than pass 4 weeks at sea." He was in an even fouler mood when he wrote to his father that he was on his way "to rob the fishermen of their nets and to burn their hutts."55

  On August 28 Wolfe sailed to the Gaspe Peninsula with three regiments, escorted by a small squadron commanded by Sir Charles Hardy. As the first troops disembarked at the fishing settlement of Perce, Wolfe told them that if they found so much as a musket they were to put the town to the sword. Homes, fishing vessels, barns, and hundreds of quintals of dried cod went up in smoke. Terrified fishermen and farmers took to the woods. Captain Thomas Bell, one of his officers, noted that they had "left the miserable inhabitants in the woods destitute and deprived of everything." "For our honor," he lamented, "we ought to have proceeded differently." 56