Patrick McLanahan Collection #1
Page 27
“I would very much disagree with your characterization,” Thorn replied. “My foreign policy position in regard to adequate supply of petroleum products is simple: We will deal fairly with any nation that deals fairly with us. We will not be held hostage by any nation that seeks to exploit how much oil we import from it.”
“Sir, former president Kevin Martindale has met with the oil ministers of most of the OPEC countries convening this week in Caracas, Venezuela, including Saudi Arabia, Russia, Iran, and most of the Central Asian states,” another reporter said. “It appears that President Martindale is lining up support for increased oil production and more secure supply chains. In sharp contrast, sir, your trade representative is still in Washington, and Secretary of State Kercheval hasn’t been seen or heard from in days. Can you explain this?”
“I don’t think there’s anything to explain. No one from my administration was invited to the OPEC meeting, and Secretary Kercheval is busy with other projects,” Thorn replied. “I don’t see the need to send trade representatives to hang around the hotels and conference halls in Caracas like some rock groupies. If any of the oil ministers wish to speak with me, they know how to contact me.”
“Are you characterizing President Martindale’s presence in Caracas as his being like a rock groupie?” another reporter shouted incredulously.
“As for the former president: He’s a private citizen and free to travel and meet with whomever he chooses,” Thorn went on, ignoring the question. “Everyone, I’m sure, understands that he does not speak for the U.S. government.”
“Mr. President, with the removal of U.S. troops from overseas bases and the American withdrawal from most mutual-defense agreements, the popularity of and confidence in the U.S. are at an all-time low,” another reporter said. “Recently TransCal Petroleum said in a press release that a group of Taliban fighters from Afghanistan have invaded a neighboring country, Turkmenistan, and are threatening to take over the oil-drilling and -distribution facilities built by TransCal for the Turkmen government.” The president nodded. “TransCal execs claim that the Turkmen government is powerless to stop the insurgents, and that, because your administration refuses to get involved, they might be forced to pay ‘protection money’ to the Taliban to keep the oil flowing. What’s your response?”
“I’ve been thoroughly briefed on the situation in Turkmenistan,” the president said. “The situation there is extremely unclear. These Taliban fighters are marching quite easily and virtually unopposed through most of the eastern part of the country, gaining tremendous popular support. My question is, why is this happening? Until we know the answer, I see no use in sending in U.S. troops to protect their pipelines.”
“But TransCal Petroleum, an American company, is losing millions of dollars a day—”
“I will not commit fighting forces to any sovereign nation unless it is in the defense of the people and the nation of the United States of America,” Thorn said resolutely. “The Founding Fathers created a military force with one and only one objective in mind: the defense of the United States. With the information I have currently, I am not yet convinced that these Taliban insurgents pose a risk to Americans here at home or overseas.”
Several more questions were shouted at him, so many that he could not sort them out. He saw Robert Goff nervously fidgeting. Things were starting to get out of control, the photo opportunity lost, and it was time to move on. “In closing, ladies and gentlemen, I’d like to say that it is innovations such as Sky Masters’s fuel-cell project that will ensure America’s energy independence and keep us from getting entangled in risky and murky conflicts overseas. America can be strong and energy-independent with the right combination of creative thinking, science, and support from the people and the government. I urge support for my alternative fuels vehicle purchase program bill and my other initiatives that are designed to promote and encourage development of dependable, sustainable sources of energy. Thanks very much, and God bless.” He ignored a loud volley of shouted questions, most of which began to sound more like threats or challenges than mere questions.
The president took several minutes to shake hands—designed to let the live-news outlets terminate their coverage of his press conference while he was pressing the flesh, instead of showing him retreating—and was then escorted to a waiting car to be taken to the airport. There was silence for several minutes after everyone was on board. Finally Robert Goff said, “I apologize for that snafu with the fuel cell, Mr. President. We tested that exchange a half dozen times today alone, and it worked perfectly every time.”
“Those things happen, Robert,” Thorn said, smiling. “Don’t worry about it.”
He turned to watch the televised coverage of the event. The satellite-TV station was showing video of the president with his face next to the exhaust pipe of the SUV, and one of the commentators made a crude remark about the “president’s energy policy being full of hot air” and “high in the ozone.”
“Wish I could’ve thought of another way to show how safe the emissions from those fuel-cell engines are without sticking my face near that tailpipe,” Thorn said wryly.
“We’ll be sure we explain to all the media outlets the point you were trying to make,” Goff said. “That commentator has got his head up his ass anyway.”
“So Martindale is scoring some points in his trip to Venezuela, eh?”
“Sir, Martindale is on TransCal Petroleum’s bankroll to the tune of millions. He probably should be registered as a TransCal lobbyist,” Goff said disgustedly. “He’s spending that money down in Caracas, in the Middle East, in the Balkans, and in Central Asia, trying to gain support for TransCal production deals. Most of those countries still think he’s running the Night Stalkers and will attack if he doesn’t get to meet with the oil ministers.”
“It wouldn’t surprise me if he was still involved,” Thorn said. Kevin Martindale’s leadership of a group of high-tech mercenaries was one of the biggest nonscandals in years. It made him a roguish legend in America and definitely did not hurt his reelection chances.
“Well, the intimidation factor is definitely working. Most of those countries in turn are financing his reelection campaign.” Thorn was about to say something, but Goff anticipated the remark. “I can’t prove it, but I know it’s happening. He’s hoping that more and more countries warm up to him so it looks like he has support overseas. More support overseas means more American companies feel better backing Martindale for president because it means a stronger dollar and more American clout overseas, which he’s hoping translates to more donations and support here at home.”
“Sounds logical to me.”
Goff looked at Thorn quizzically. “Sir, it’s easy for candidates to throw lots of money around to court companies and governments for support. They’re not on the front lines every day,” Goff reminded the president. “This plan of Martindale’s will backfire because everyone knows who Martindale really is. He talks about peace and harmony and friendship, and then boom!—he sends in the Marines or the stealth bombers and blows the crap out of anyone and everyone who gets in his way. He’s a backstabber, sir, and everyone knows it.”
Thomas Thorn stared blankly at the TV. “Would it work in Turkmenistan, I wonder?” he asked at last.
“What? Sending in the Marines against those Taliban?”
“I was thinking of the bombers,” Thorn said. He pressed a button on a computer keyboard, and the TV image changed to the military briefing page. “Status report on McLanahan’s recovery mission in Turkmenistan: complete success, complete withdrawal of the cruise missile, all personnel extracted, no casualties.”
“The guy’s good—there’s no doubt about that,” Goff said. He waited to see if the president was going to say anything more; when he did not, Goff asked, “What are you thinking, Thomas?”
Thorn was silent for a long time. Finally he said, “Nothing.”
“Having some second thoughts about getting involved in Central Asia?”
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“No,” he replied quickly—too quickly, Goff suspected. When he noticed his friend, adviser, and secretary of defense looking questioningly at him, Thorn added, “Martindale is wrong, Robert. The solution to what’s happening in Turkmenistan does not lie in military force.”
“I happen to agree—for now,” Goff said. “The problem remains: Martindale is on the offensive politically. He’s in Venezuela talking to world petroleum ministers, grabbing headlines, and making himself look like a leader. The word is he’ll be heading to Kuwait City to address a meeting of the Gulf States Security Council—the first American ever to do so since the Gulf War. He probably won’t be talking about Central Asia at that particular time. That might be a good opportunity.”
Thorn looked at Goff, then said, “To make a diplomatic move in Turkmenistan?” Goff nodded. “The only way to do that would be to send a high-level delegation.”
“It should be Kercheval. But he doesn’t deserve it now, does he?” Thorn closed his eyes—they both knew the answer to that one. “Maureen Hershel is a good choice. Turkmenistan is Muslim, but it’s run mostly by Soviet-era bureaucrats who know they have to deal with high-ranking women in today’s world. She’s smart, tough, and, best of all, she knows when to keep her mouth shut.”
“Time’s running out. If that Taliban insurgent army gets their grips on the capital, Turkmenistan could fall fast.”
“Let’s give her the go-ahead right away, then,” Goff said. “Let her staff start laying the groundwork for a diplomatic visit and high-level talks.” Thorn nodded his approval. Goff added, “You might even consider bringing a military liaison along. Turkmenistan’s military is very small and run by Russian officers.”
Thorn looked at Goff, then smiled. “You mean McLanahan?”
“Why not? McLanahan has pretty good name recognition and respect here in the U.S., but at the same time he’s not very well known overseas. He’ll have the luxury of relative anonymity. He can look around and talk to folks without calling too much attention to himself. I know you don’t care about political stuff, but the fact remains, McLanahan has pretty good poll numbers—about where Colin Powell was when he was Reagan’s national security adviser.”
“Let’s not get into a discussion again about asking McLanahan to be my national security adviser,” Thorn groaned. “I’ve already got you to tell me where I’m screwing up.” The president thought about it for a moment, then shook his head. “There’s an old saying in the military: ‘Screw up and move up.’ McLanahan has done his share of bad decision making lately. I’m not so sure he deserves a plum posting like that.”
Goff shrugged. He certainly couldn’t argue. “I’ll draw up a list of candidates and send it over to State, then present it to you for your approval,” he said.
“I’ll let Miss Hershel pick her own attachés from your list.”
Goff nodded. That was the way Thorn did business—pick good people, then delegate authority to them. It was faster, less stressful on him, and made his staff feel like they were part of the action every step of the way. “In the meantime why don’t we talk to McLanahan and get his thoughts about what’s going on over there.”
“Why him in particular?”
“Because he’s smart, and he’s in command of a unit that could very well be the tip of the spear if we decide to move out there,” Goff said. “Besides, he’s on the way. We’re heading to Lake Tahoe for that environmental-summit thing. There’s plenty of time to reposition the support crews to Battle Mountain. I’ll have General Venti transmit a request for an operational assessment from McLanahan’s unit. We can have Miss Hershel accompany us out there. You can look over McLanahan’s unit and get a briefing directly from him.”
“You’re high on this guy, aren’t you, Robert?” Thorn asked. “Why?”
Goff shrugged. “The same reason I’m high on you, my friend,” he replied with an uneasy smile. “You both have the strength of your convictions. You both know what you believe is right, and you’re not afraid to fight for it.” His eyes danced a bit, and he added, “Besides, I have a feeling it’ll be like the unstoppable force meeting the immovable object when you two get together. Patrick McLanahan on his own home turf, versus the commander in chief. I already know who’ll win—but it’ll still be fun to watch you two get in each other’s faces.”
Four |
BATTLE MOUNTAIN AIR RESERVE BASE
Several days later
The massive shape of Air Force One appeared through the snowstorm like a giant fantasy bird and touched down on Battle Mountain’s long runway in a puff of snow. One-eleventh Bomb Wing Security Forces units, including armored personnel carriers, were stationed along the infields and taxiways to escort the plane to its parking spot. The winds were right down the runway but gusting well over twenty knots, blowing snow nearly horizontally and creating large drifts on the runway and taxiway edges. Despite the poor visibility, Air Force One taxied quickly over to a designated spot several hundred meters in front of the base-operations building and shut down engines.
A set of covered airstairs was wheeled over to the entry door, and a few moments later President of the United States Thomas Thorn, Secretary of Defense Robert Goff, and Deputy Secretary of State Maureen Hershel emerged. Patrick met them at the bottom of the stairs, saluted, then shook hands with each of them. “Welcome to Battle Mountain, Mr. President, Mr. Secretary, Miss Deputy Secretary,” he said.
“Lovely weather you’re having here, General,” Robert Goff groused.
“We don’t build military bases on the waterfront in San Francisco anymore, sir,” Patrick said. “This weather suits us just fine.”
Goff looked unimpressed as he turned up the collar of his overcoat and motioned toward a nearby armored Suburban belonging to the Secret Service. “Thanks for parking us so far away from your base-ops building, General,” he complained. “Is that our vehicle? Let’s get the hell out of this snowstorm.”
“Not necessary, sir,” Patrick said. He raised his head slightly, as if making a request of God, and said, “Ready on elevator three, surface to main ramp level.”
“What did you say, Gen—” Goff stopped in midsentence—because he felt the earth move beneath his feet. “What in hell was that? An earthquake . . . ?” And then he noticed that the entire parking spot, VC-25 and all, started to descend into the earth.
The Secret Service agents seemed right on the brink of panic, but the president held up his hands as he saw the look on McLanahan’s face. “Very interesting, General,” he said.
“This is why working here in the middle of the high deserts of northern Nevada in a snowstorm is no big deal for us, sir,” Patrick said. Goff and Hershel gasped in astonishment as a six-inch slab of steel and concrete slid over the opening overhead, blocking out the wind and snow.
“I’ll bet you had one hell of a time convincing Congress to fund this,” Hershel said.
“Thankfully, it was funded back in the Eisenhower administration. I don’t think I would’ve stood a chance.”
“No shit,” Goff muttered.
Thorn, Goff, Hershel, and their entourage were taken aboard electric cars and shown around the vast underground aircraft-parking ramp. They received tours of all the aircraft. They were especially impressed with the two AL-52 Dragon airborne-laser aircraft. “Unbelievable,” Thorn said. “There they are—laser weapons aboard combat aircraft. Star Wars for real.”
“They’re not officially operational,” Patrick explained, “but the first one was used successfully over Libya. It and the second one are being modified with the plasma-pumped solid-state lasers. They have fifty percent more power than the original chemical-oxygen-iodine laser design, nearly two megawatts of power—enough to destroy airborne or space targets as small as a Sidewinder missile three hundred miles away or ground targets up to one hundred miles away.”
“What do they cost, General?” Maureen Hershel asked.
“Almost a billion dollars, ma’am,” Patrick replied, “plus te
n thousand dollars per flight hour to fly them and about fifty thousand dollars to fire the laser each time.”
“So on a typical patrol mission . . .”
“Twelve-hour patrol sortie, two hundred engagements . . . over ten million dollars per sortie, not including the air-refueling tanker support.”
“Ouch.”
“It’s cheap compared to what it would cost to field enough aircraft to do all those attack jobs at once,” Patrick said.
He turned and got the opportunity to study the young woman for the first time. He’d seen her often on TV, of course, and was intrigued from the first moment he heard of her and her background. Shoulder-length brown hair, blue eyes behind rimless reading glasses, mid- to late forties, a bit above average height, trim and shapely, wearing good-looking but casual slacks, jacket, and all-terrain boots—unlike the president and secretary of defense, she looked like she’d come to take a tour of a military base.
“For maximum coverage in a hot combat zone,” Patrick said to her, “we would field three to four aircraft: two in an orbit about a hundred miles from the forward edge of the battle area and one or two aircraft that cycle with the others—one in transit, one on the ground undergoing maintenance and crew rest.”
“You need to think of a way to do it with less,” Thorn said. “Those two birds may be all you ever get. Maybe not even that.”
“We could do it with two aircraft, sir, but we wouldn’t have total coverage,” Patrick said. “An interim solution is to place a few EB-1C Vampire airborne battleships up, armed with Lancelot anti-ballistic-missile weapons and Anaconda long-range air-to-air missiles.”
“So now we’re talking about maybe two squadrons of planes just for the anti-ballistic-missile job,” Goff summarized.
“The EB-52 Megafortresses will be capable of doing the long-range precision standoff bombing missions, and the EB-1C Vampires can also serve as long-range bombers. We can launch fast with a lot of firepower and swing easily from mission to mission.”