Patrick McLanahan Collection #1

by Dale Brown

  President Martindale scanned his computer display briefly. Every phone call prompted an automatic page on the computer that offered interesting and sometimes extremely useful and insightful information pertinent to the caller: as well as verifying the caller’s identity and origin, it gave the local time, weather, some headlines, facts on the caller’s family’s names—Zevitin had never been married—recent decisions and legislation supported or rejected by the caller, recent decisions made by the President regarding the caller, and names of the caller’s key advisers and their recent activities. He picked up the phone, and the other advisers in the room picked up theirs so they could listen in. “Mr. President, this is President Martindale, how are you today, sir?”

  “Very well, very well, Mr. President,” Zevitin replied in very good English with a curious mix of Russian, American, and English accents. “Thank you for taking my call.”

  “Not at all, Leonid,” Martindale responded, hoping that using the Russian president’s first name would signal an end to their use of titles. “My national security advisers are listening in as well; I hope that’s all right with you.”

  “It is, sir, and thank you for so advising me,” Zevitin said. “Unfortunately for me, there is only my dog Sashi with me tonight.”

  That was contrary to the usual rumors concerning the playboy antics of the Russian president, but Martindale didn’t feel like calling him on it. “How can I be of service today?”

  “I’m calling about the incident in Ashkhabad, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. Damn, the President thought, he’s keeping with the titles—this was not a good sign. “I was advised of it through our embassy there. First of all, I want to say I’m sorry for the loss of your men.”

  “Thank you, Leonid. Which embassy told you of this incident—the Turkmeni or the Iranian embassy?”

  There was a very slight pause; then: “Both, actually,” he replied. “We also received the general notice from Iran a short time ago. I expect the Iranians to release your man right away, and if you go to the United Nations about it, Russia will join you in calling for the body to be released immediately. The incident happened on Turkmeni soil, not Iranian. They have no right to do what they did.”

  “We’ll go to the United Nations as a matter of routine and diplomatic protocol, Leonid,” the President said, “but we’ll send a message directly to the Iranian government through the Swiss embassy informing them that they have created a serious and dangerous international incident, bordering on an act of war, and that we demand the immediate return of our man and all his equipment and supplies taken in Turkmenistan. If we don’t receive them within twenty-four hours of notification, we’ll take all steps necessary to recover them.”

  “Mr. President, I strongly urge you to play this one carefully and quietly,” Zevitin said. “There is a major societal upheaval going on right now in Iran. Most of the government has been wiped out—murdered—by this nutcase Buzhazi. The Revolutionary Guards are being spurred on by the surviving ultraconservative theocrats that must crack down on the insurgency or find themselves either blown up by insurgents, crushed by the army, or rejected by the people. They’ll toss law, civil rights, and basic human decency out the window to save their own hides.”

  “Leonid, I wouldn’t be sad to see the end of the theocracy if it meant a more moderate Iran,” the President said. “What they do to their own people is none of my concern. If they cooperate with us and give us the property they stole while in Turkmenistan, we’d be happy to step aside and let events in Iran take their course.”

  “Then you would not interfere with further events in Iran if you got your man and your property back?”

  “Leonid, I’m not going to tie future events in with the current crisis. Iran has to return our man they murdered and the property they stole…period. I have no other quarrels with Iran presently.”

  “Then why the attack on Iran’s missiles recently, Mr. President?” Zevitin asked. “We know you have sent your secret Dreamland spaceplanes over Iran at least twice and perhaps more than that; we detected an object being launched by the first spaceplane that could have easily been an orbital or suborbital weapon that could have struck inside Iran. The second spaceplane you flew right over Russia without asking permission or even notifying us ahead of time.”

  “That was an error, Leonid, and we acknowledged that and apologized…”

  “I know, I know, Mr. President, and I’m not going to dwell on it,” Zevitin said in a surprisingly conciliatory tone. “I would like you to punish the officer that sent that craft over our country…General Patrick McLanahan, no doubt.” The President said nothing, only glanced at Patrick. “But that can wait for another day.

  “We also know that you have sent several micro-satellites into orbits to cover Iran and have even moved your Armstrong Space Station into a sun-synchronous orbit in order to carefully surveille Iran at specific times of day,” Zevitin went on. “And we have recently received reports that several of your stealth warplanes have been moved to Diego Garcia, just a few hours’ flying time from Iran. It looks like preparation for an invasion to me, Mr. President.”

  “We have to forward-deploy many of our strategic air assets because our numbers have been almost eliminated,” Martindale pointed out.

  “It pains me that you bring that up, Kevin,” Zevitin said, and he really sounded as if he meant it too. Five years earlier, General Anatoliy Gryzlov, the former chief of staff of the Russian military, successfully overthrew the elected Russian government and began a large-scale buildup of the Russian military. When Patrick McLanahan and the Air Battle Force preempted a Russian invasion of Turkmenistan’s vast oil and natural gas fields, Gryzlov responded by attacking American air and ground-launched intercontinental ballistic missile sites and bomber bases with nuclear cruise missiles. Over thirty thousand Americans died and another seventy thousand injured in what became known as the “American Holocaust.”

  “President Gryzlov acted irresponsibly and foolishly, and I have denounced and condemned his actions in each and every venue that opportunity affords,” Zevitin went on. “But you can well understand our concern as we watch these moves, sir: they appear to be directed toward an invasion of Iran to support a takeover of the legitimately elected government by force of arms.

  “And we also know that most of your remaining stealth warplanes are commanded by General McLanahan,” Zevitin continued. “Frankly, Mr. President, Russia considers McLanahan to be quite dangerous, and any time we think he may be involved in some conflict or action, we expect and must prepare for the worst. We’re surprised he is still an integral part of your pool of military advisers, and he is considered a highly destabilizing element—on a par with Gryzlov himself.”

  “Let’s get back to the issue of Iran, Leonid,” Martindale said. “I’ll acknowledge to you that the United States is keeping a careful watch over events in Iran, not because we want or support a violent overthrow of the government, but because Buzhazi’s actions or the reactions of the Revolutionary Guards could cause a ripple effect of violence throughout the entire region. We certainly retain the right to set up surveillance of any nation we fear could harm America’s interests and to forward-deploy all necessary assets to try to halt any spread of violence.”

  “That’s fair, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. “But I know you understand that Russia has interests in the region as well, and American military actions directed against Iran may interfere with Russia’s interests. That’s why I urge restraint and caution, Mr. President: your forces may harm Russia just as easily as McLanahan’s spaceplanes violated Russian airspace.”

  “I pledge to you that America will not intentionally do anything that violates Russia’s sovereignty or national interests,” Martindale went on. “But America considers Iran’s actions in Turkmenistan a serious violation of international law and of America’s sovereign right to operate in non-aligned territories. We respect and appreciate Russia’s call for restraint and caution, but we won�
�t sit back patiently while Iran kills and captures Americans and steals our property. Russia is cautioned that if they are in harm’s way when America responds, we are not responsible for what happens.”

  “Kevin, that sounds like a prepared message—I thought we could talk to each other man to man,” Zevitin said.

  “It’s not a prepared speech, Leonid. That’s how I feel, and that’s my position. Our problem right now is with Iran. We know you have economic and military ties with Iran. We know…”

  “Our only ties to Iran are economic, Kevin, as well as diplomatic,” Zevitin said. “But Iran is a friend and a recognized strategic partner of Russia. Any military action against Iran would be of very great concern to us.”

  “Leonid, Russia has sold over five billion dollars’ worth of advanced military hardware to Iran in just the past few years,” Martindale said. “We know you have advisers and instructors on the ground throughout Iran. You may consider that purely economic, but the United States considers that military support. Russia has in the past tried to assert the 1987 Russo-Iranian Mutual Defense Treaty…”

  “That treaty was signed only because of American support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War,” Zevitin said. “Russia does not station any troops in Iran, as you do in Iraq. We have occasionally conducted joint exercises and participated in training and officer exchange programs, as does the United States with many of their friends and allies.” He paused for a moment, and when he spoke again his voice was considerably lighter. “Come come, Kevin, we can argue like this to the end of time. Why bother? Let’s let the diplomats with their rose-colored language squabble over this and that. We can deal with this issue like leaders.

  “I called to offer Russia’s sympathy and assistance in getting your man and your property back,” Zevitin went on. “As I said, Kevin, if you go to the Security Council, file a protest, and draft a resolution condemning Iran and demanding immediate return of all American property, Russia will stand with you. We will use all of our influence to see to it that the resolution is unanimously passed, and we will support any actions, short of war, to enforce the resolution. But if you decide not to take that path, Russia will not support you, and will vigorously protect and defend our own interests in the region.”

  “Now who sounds like he’s reading from a prepared statement, Leonid?” Martindale asked, trying to keep his own tone light.

  “As you know, Kevin, we Russians do not like to have breakfast each morning unless it has been planned five years ahead of time,” Zevitin said in an equally light tone, “but this time it is not from a prepared statement—it is from me.” His tone darkened considerably, and his Russian accent abruptly overshadowed the Western ones. “Step lightly in Iran, Mr. President. Use the United Nations, your allies, and Russia, and have patience. America has been wronged here, but America is not an innocent party in Iran either—we both know this to be true. Ask for support and you will get it, especially from Russia. Ask for trouble and violence, and you will get that as well.”

  “Especially from Russia, Leonid?” Martindale asked.

  There was a long, ominous pause on the line; then: “Good-bye, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. “May you be well. Good night to all your advisers listening in as well.”

  “Good-bye, Mr. President. Take care.” He hung up the phone, and the others did as well. “That went better than I expected,” he said sarcastically.

  “I wouldn’t trust him as far as I could throw him, Mr. President,” National Security Adviser Sparks said.

  “He’s telling us what he knows, sir,” Secretary of State Mary Carson offered, “and he knows a lot. The Iranians must be feeding the Russians all their intel.”

  “We’ve known the Russians have had military advisers in Iran for years, as the President told Zevitin,” Patrick McLanahan said. “But this level of cooperation is a serious development. Zevitin was issuing us a warning.”

  “A warning? What warning?”

  “I think Russia will intervene if we go into Iran,” Patrick replied. “He’s giving us a way to save face by going to the United Nations; by doing that, he can also give the Iranians more time to deal with the insurgency without resorting to more heavy-handed tactics. Whatever the reason, there’s no doubt that Russia and Iran are assisting each other now.”

  “Why would Russia help Iran?” Vice President Hershel asked. “Just to sell them more military hardware?”

  “Not only that, ma’am, but a powerful Iran that distracts attention and commits resources toward the Middle East takes attention and pressure away from Russia, which allows it to continue its own military buildup and reassert itself in Europe and Asia,” Patrick said. “Iran will take bolder steps toward regional hegemony if they know Russia is behind them. And even a few Russian so-called ‘advisers’ and ‘instructors’ in Iran is a good tripwire in case we do act. If we kill Russians, it’ll be seen as an overt act of aggression.”

  “Which is precisely why we can’t escalate this crisis by planning any more actions in Iran, Mr. President,” Carson said pointedly. “How would we even know if Russians were on the ground if we struck an Iranian target? We’d have to assume every Iranian missile site had a Russian nearby. They might even put a Russian uniform on one of theirs and call it an act of war.”

  “Enough already,” the President said, exasperation in his voice. “You all heard what I told Zevitin: I’ll be relieved and happy to start de-escalating tensions with Iran, but only after our man and our equipment are returned to us. Until then, Iran stays in the crosshairs. I think Zevitin will communicate that plainly enough to the Iranians, but in case he doesn’t, I want to start moving toward direct action.”

  He rose, and his advisers got to their feet as well. Martindale clasped Patrick on the shoulder as he departed. “Patrick, as usual, you’re the tip of the spear—again. Keep me and General Sparks posted on your team’s progress, and be prepared to move as soon as possible.”

  “Yes, sir.”

  “Mary, when we talk to the allies, we’ll have to notify them that we’ve already begun plans for direct action against Iran.”

  “They’re not going to like it, sir,” Carson said. “Should I give them details?”

  “Of course not…and I don’t give a damn if they don’t like it,” the President said. “If they want to talk to me about it, fine, but I’ll tell them the same thing.”

  “Yes, Mr. President.”

  “Joe, I need you to build a plan that protects all the assets you mentioned that Iran could strike—shipping in the Persian Gulf, allied nations, and our forces stationed in the region. Let’s notify the theater commanders and MAJCOMs of what’s going on and what we intend to do about it.”

  “But those plans can’t work together with McLanahan’s, sir, if he’s already got bombers, spaceplanes, and those armored commando gizmos already there,” Gardner protested. “It’ll take us days, perhaps weeks, to surge enough assets to the Gulf region to protect our allies who might be in danger from an Iranian retaliatory strike. The Iranians have a big head start. McLanahan’s guys will have to pull back.”

  “No one’s pulling back,” the President insisted. “Maybe if the Iranians see more American ships and planes deploying to the area, they’ll back off.”

  “Or they might move faster and more aggressively, sir,” Gardner warned.

  “Then they’ll be on the defensive and have to decide if they want to start a shooting war or pull back,” the President said. “Up until now, they’ve been calling the shots, and I want that to stop. Push all the forces you can into the Persian Gulf, Gulf of Oman, and Iraq. Have everyone keep their fingers off the triggers unless the Iranians fire first, but have them ready to fight if they’re needed.”

  “Yes, Mr. President,” Gardner said. He shook his head at Patrick as the commander-in-chief departed. “I hope your guys do better this time, McLanahan. Thank God I don’t know what in hell you’re doing.”

  Maureen Hershel came over to Patrick after everyon
e had left. “Don’t listen to Gardner,” she said softly. “All he’s been doing around here lately is railing against you. I haven’t seen any plans from his office on how to deal with the insurgency or what the Iranian Revolutionary Guards might do. I don’t even think he believes it’s real or of any concern for the United States. Now that Iran has got your guys, he thinks everyone will be coming to him for answers. Watch out for him—he still has the President’s ear, even more than you or I.”

  DOSHAN TAPPEH AIR BASE,

  TEHRAN, IRAN

  THREE DAYS LATER

  “Allah akbar, allah akbar!” the loudspeaker announcement began. “There is no God but God, blessed be his name, and Mohammed is his prophet! May God keep the faithful safe and protected, and may he bring unspeakable wrath upon all infidels and the unfaithful! All true believers gather before me and heed the commands of the Faqih, the voice of God on Earth.”

  A large crowd of about a thousand men, mostly older men and teenagers, began to move toward the loudspeakers, carrying simple construction tools, tool boxes, and bags of food and water. “Upon the command of the Faqih, may he stand at the right hand of God, to all the faithful, the Jihad-e Sazandegi Ministry of Construction Crusades announces a construction jihad this day on behalf of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps. Our mission is to rebuild the gates and outer walls of this installation. The rewards for the faithful and hard-working citizens who help will be the thanks of Allah, your government, and the Revolutionary Guards Corps for whom you will serve.

  “Along with the blessings of the Almighty, any man who serves with the Jihad-e Sazandegi will receive relief from tithe for one year for himself, as well as relief for himself, one son, or one grandson from compulsory military service once the project is complete. Step forward, sign your name to the register, swear your oath to work diligently on behalf of the Faqih and the state, and let us begin, under the watchful eyes of God the generous.”