Gangland

by Jerry Langton

  Hidalgo's plan was to march more than 200 miles southeast to Mexico City to confront the Peninsulare government. One of his first stops was the ornate Sanctuary of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe in Atotonilco (now a World Heritage Site frequently called “the Sistine Chapel of Mexico”). He took one of the chapel's portraits of the Virgin Mary, attached it to his lance and used it as a banner to rally his men. He encouraged his men to make their own banners with political statements like: “Long live Ferdinand VII!” and “Death to bad government!”

  At first, it was a very successful operation. Hidalgo and his men would come into a town and convince the inhabitants to join them, frequently imprisoning Peninsulares and their Criollo supporters. By the end of September, Hidalgo's army had captured several towns and numbered 50,000.

  But a lack of discipline led to problems. The men began to loot and terrorize the towns they entered. Prisoners were frequently executed without trial. When they reached Guanajuato, the terrified Peninsulares and their Criollo supporters holed up in the town's massive public grain storage facility. After two days of heavy fighting, Hidalgo's men overwhelmed the defenses and massacred about 600 people, including many women and children.

  Hidalgo's problems magnified. Until then, Hidalgo's army had enjoyed a great deal of support from liberal Criollos, many of them comparatively wealthy, but the terrorism of the campaign turned a large proportion of them away from his cause. Hidalgo's second-in-command, a Criollo army veteran named Ignacio Allende (one of the few of the men with military experience) was outraged and demanded Hidalgo do something. While Hidalgo admitted the massacre was tragic, he excused it by citing historic precedent, pointing out that all revolutions have been encumbered by unnecessary violence.

  In October, Hidalgo's men granted him two titles—generalissimo for his rank as military commander and His Most Serene Highness to show his political and religious leadership. He made himself a splendid multi-colored uniform laced with both silver and gold. He marched on Valladolid, a city bigger than any his troops had encountered before, and took it with little struggle. Hidalgo took advantage of his biggest audience yet and railed against the Peninsulares, calling them arrogant and accusing them of keeping the rest of the country oppressed economically, politically and spiritually. He said that the goal of his cause was to “send them back to the Motherland.” While he was there, Hidalgo settled an old score, forcing his old friend, the Bishop of Valladolid, to rescind the excommunication order against him for heresy, apostasy and sedition on September 24, 1810.

  His army stayed in Valladolid for several days, preparing for an assault on the capital. He negotiated with the local priests and promised not to allow the violence his men had visited upon other cities if he could help it. While there, he declared freedom for all slaves and an end to tribute payments to the government by Indios and Mulattos (a small sub-caste made up of children from Criollo-Negro unions).

  But when he found that the local cathedral had been locked to keep him and his men out, Hidalgo was outraged. He didn't let his men run wild as they had in Guanajuato, but he did imprison every Peninsular regardless of sex or age, replaced everyone in public office with one of his followers, and raided the city's treasury.

  • • •

  Hidalgo and his men marched on toward Mexico City collecting men, weapons and money in the various towns in his path, but in the rugged forests of Monte de las Cruces, they were intercepted by Royalist forces. Greatly outnumbered, the Royalists retreated, but not before inflicting huge numbers of casualties among the undisciplined, poorly armed mob.

  Worse yet, Hidalgo's men were losing the psychological war. He found the Mestizos and Indios in the Valley of Mexico to be much better off economically than his supporters and mostly loyal to the crown. The new viceroy of New Spain, a career soldier named Francisco Javier Venegas de Saavedra, was aware of the insurrection and took steps to quell it. He mounted a propaganda campaign warning of violence and instability if the rebels were to arrive.

  His well-trained soldiers from Veracruz were commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Torcuato Trujillo Sanchez and augmented by some 500 former slaves who had previously worked at de Yermo's estates. After they retreated from their first encounter with Hidalgo's army, Trujillo Sanchez called for help from General Félix María Calleja del Rey. This larger army defeated elements of Hidalgo's men on several occasions, inflicting serious casualties.

  Calleja del Rey and Trujillo Sanchez and their 6,000 soldiers chased the 100,000 insurgents around Mexico finally meeting them on January 17, 1811 at Puente de Calderón. At first, the battle seemed to be going in Hidalgo's favor, but a well-aimed cannonball managed to hit and set fire to one of the insurgents' ammunition wagons and the resulting series of explosions killed or wounded many and threw most of the rest into a panic-fueled confusion. About 13,000 insurgents died in the battle. The more disciplined Royalists then had no problem cutting down the fleeing insurgents, guaranteeing victory.

  What remained of Hidalgo's army fled north in hopes they would receive aid from the United States, which was supporting anti-colonial movements around the globe. But they didn't get far. They made it to the mountains outside Santiago de la Monclava in Coahuila, but were tracked down while camping out at the Norias de Baján (Wells of Baján) near Monclava, Coahuila on March 21, 1811.

  Hidalgo and his top aides—Allende, Juan Aldama, José Mariano Jiménez and Mariano Abasolo—were taken prisoner. After a series of short trials, Abasolo was given a life sentence and died in prison. The others were given death sentences and were shot. Before his execution, Hidalgo was defrocked and excommunicated—under Catholic doctrine, this prevented him from going to heaven. When he faced the firing squad on July 27, Hidalgo thanked the jail staff for their kindness, refused the offer of a blindfold and put his right hand over his heart to show the executioners where to shoot.

  The four dead men's heads were removed and placed on poles and displayed in the town square of Guanajuato for 10 years as a warning to other would-be revolutionaries.

  Morelos continues the fight

  Despite huge losses in manpower and leadership, the insurgent movement did not go away; it just went underground led by a series of guerrilla leaders. The first was one of Hidalgo's colonels, José María Teclo Morelos y Pavón (better known to history as José Morelos). Born a poor mestizo in Valladolid, Morelos was a 45-year-old parish priest in Cuarácuaro when he heard of Hidalgo's exploits and joined him.

  He was a much better general than Hidalgo, winning twenty-two battles and controlling much of the south Pacific coast and New Spain's most important Pacific port, Acapulco. On September 13, 1813, he organized the National Constituent Congress of Chilpancingo, at which of representatives of the various regions he controlled discussed how they would rule after replacing the Spanish colonists. There discussions were summed up in a document called Sentimientos de la Nación (Sentiments of the Nation), and declared Mexican independence, established a tricameral government based on that of the United States and named Roman Catholicism as the official state religion. The document called for the confiscation of all property owned by the colonists, the abolishment of all slavery and torture, the dismantling of the caste system and the name “American” be applied to any Mexican-born individual, regardless of their ethnic ancestry.

  The document called for Morelos to be head of the new nation with the title generalissimo, and to be addressed as “Your Highness.” Morelos asked if he could be called “Siervo de la Nación” (Servant of the Nation) instead, and referred to by his name.

  At a second meeting on October 22 in Apatzingán, the congress issued Decreto Constitucional para la Libertad de la América Mexicana (Constitutional Decree for the Liberty of Mexican America). Many of the changes—like having a legislative branch stronger than the executive branch—flew in the face of Morelos' stated aims, but after some military setbacks that left much of the territory he had previous conquered in enemy hands, he knew he was in no position to argue.
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  He was captured in November at a disastrous battle at Tezmalaca and brought to Mexico City in chains for a quick trial. Put before a firing squad on December 22, the attending bishop lifted his excommunication order at the last minute because he saw Morelos praying on his way to being shot.

  Chapter 3

  A Mexican-born Emperor

  Morelos was succeeded by an even more able military strategist in Vicente Ramón Guerrero Saldaña (commonly known as Vicente Guerrero). Born into a wealthy Criollo family not far from Acapulco, Guerrero was a gunsmith by trade and an early proponent of independence, joining Morelos when he was 28.

  After taking over the reins from Morelos, Guerrero managed to forge strong alliances with separate anti-colonial armies led by Guadalupe Victoria (a nom de guerre for José Miguel Ramón Adaucto Fernández y Félix) and Isidoro Montes de Oca, with himself as supreme commander.

  His Royalist counterpart was Agustín Cosme Damián de Iturbide y Aramburu (better known as Agustín de Iturbide), a conservative Criollo who had been brutally efficient in hunting down insurgents led by Hidalgo and Morelos. In fact, he was so zealous that he was briefly relieved of command in 1816 for cruelty after he boasted of summarily executing 300 insurgents as part of an 1814 Good Friday celebration and of imprisoning the mothers, wives and children of known insurgents in an effort to get them to lay down their arms. He was also accused of looting, embezzling and otherwise illegally profiting from his campaigns.

  He was reinstated in 1820, but never forgot the humiliation of his dismissal. And he was angry that the government had not given him sufficient funds for the task at hand, forcing him to dip into his own fortune and even steal to make up the difference.

  After several defeats, de Iturbide began to seriously doubt he would be able to get the better of Guerrero and his hit-and-run guerrilla attacks. And, like many Criollos, he was frustrated at being limited in his potential simply because of the place of his birth. King Joseph I of Spain had signed a constitution that limited royal powers in 1812, in effect granting much more autonomy to New Spain, but when Ferdinand VII returned to power, he threw it out. That pleased the Peninsulares, but angered many Criollos who were getting more anxious for expanded rights, if not outright independence.

  So de Iturbide changed his mind and switched sides. His intentions were almost certainly to lead a Criollo independence movement, but he knew he needed the help of the Mestizos and Indios, who already outnumbered them by a considerable margin. To effect this, he offered Guerrero and his men full pardons if they would lay down their weapons. To nobody's surprise, Guerrero declined, but he did agree to a face-to-face meeting along with Victoria.

  Later called the “Embrace of Acatempán” after the town in which it was held, the February 24, 1821 meeting was cordial and agreeable. The Royalist-turned-rebel de Iturbide showed Guerrero and Victoria his plan for independence which he called the Plan de Iguala (Plan of Equals).

  Despite its name, the Plan de Iguala was a semi-Royalist tract that would be seen as exceptionally racist today. The long-term plan was to bring Ferdinand to New Spain and have him rule as king. If he refused or was unavailable, another member of the Bourbon dynasty would be installed on the throne.

  To create public support, de Iturbide included three guarantees: New Spain would be renamed Mexico and would be ruled from Mexico City, not Madrid; Roman Catholicism would be the official state religion; and all citizens of Spanish descent would be equal subjects. All Mexicans other than Peninsulares and Criollos would still be subject to the upper castes, but the insurgents accepted the plan because it promised independence from Spain, an enforcement of Catholicism and, because it did not involve attacking or expelling the wealthy upper classes, would not destroy the current economy.

  The insurgent leaders agreed to amalgamate their armies with his under the name of Ejército de las Tres Garantías (Army of the Three Guarantees), and march on Mexico City with de Iturbide in command.

  They surrounded Mexico City and were pleasantly surprised to see that most of the Royalist forces were sympathetic to their cause and did not fight. On his 38th birthday, September 27, 1821, de Iturbide marched his men under a new red, white and green banner. The following day, the new military rulers issued the official Declaration of Independence, which was signed by Jefe Político Superior Juan O'Donojú y O'Rian, the viceroy (who interestingly, was of Irish descent, though born in Seville).

  The new Mexico did not refer to itself as a country or nation, but as an empire. The plan was to offer the crown first to Ferdinand and, if he declined, to his younger brothers Carlos and Francisco, followed by his cousin, the archduke Charles. If they all declined, the new Mexican parliament—or Cortes, no relation to the conquistadore—would then designate a ruler of their own choosing.

  Not surprisingly, de Iturbide was elected president of the Provisional Governing Junta and he installed a 36-member cabinet made up almost exclusively of his own men, giving the former insurgents almost no voice in the new government. He had, in fact, done something that would have enraged Hidalgo: instead of granting citizenship for all in his new country, de Iturbide had just made things better for his own people, offering almost nothing to non-white Mexicans.

  One of his first acts was to offer the post of Emperor to Ferdinand. Of course, Ferdinand refused, and forbade any of his family from taking the crown either. He also rejected the concept of Mexican sovereignty and pointed out that O'Donojú lacked the authority to grant it and even began half-heartedly to plan a reconquest of Mexico.

  Rebuffed by the Bourbons, the Cortes looked for a suitable emperor of regal blood among the Mexicans, but found none. Fearing the de Iturbide might try to take the throne himself, the Cortes reduced the army's influence. This backfired, however, leading to problems in the economy and social unrest when some rebel groups considered the military weakened. With a throng of followers around him, de Iturbide took the crown for himself, in what many now believe to be a coup.

  His coronation—on July 21, 1822—was an elaborate affair in which he put the crown on his own head, just as Napoleon had done, gave himself the title of “Prince of the Union” and styled himself Emperor Agustín I of Mexico. He dissolved the Cortes and sent his political enemies to prison.

  These actions made him a lot of new enemies. Anti-imperialist movements—called Republicans because of their shared philosophy of deposing Agustín and installing a republic—sprang up all over Mexico. Even the most conservative Peninsulares were greatly offended by this commoner (born in Valladolid yet!) who so pompously wrapped himself in emperor's robes. But most of his enemies were liberal Criollos and Mestizos, both of which groups wanted something better than a home-grown dictator. With the Mexican empire stretching from present-day Oregon thousands of miles south to what is now Colombia, the political and economic necessities of such a large and diverse country needed deft government, not a self-involved plutocrat.

  One of these insurrections, in Veracruz, was led by a charismatic army general named Antonio de Padua María Severino López de Santa Anna y Pérez de Lebrón (now generally just called Santa Anna). A shrewd man with a passion for gambling and little reluctance to change sides when he saw a better offer, Santa Anna had been one of Emperor Agustín's early supporters, calling him “El Libertador” (the Liberator), a move that earned him his rank and a nice hacienda. When he saw the emperor's support waning, however, he threw his lot in with the Republicans, joining with Victoria, one of the signators of the Plan de Iguala, who was now deeply embittered with Agustín.

  When Agustín sent an army to quell Victoria and Santa Anna, he made a huge mistake. He appointed Colonel José Antonio Echavarri Aldai, an old friend of Santa Anna's, as its leader. It was not long before Echavarri changed sides and the combined armies of Echavarri and Santa Anna were reinforced by Victoria's men.

  Agustín sent an emissary to Santa Anna, asking him to meet in Mexico City. Fearing an assassination plot, Santa Anna responded with the Plan de Casa Mata, whic
h called for an end to the empire and the establishment of a republic with a written constitution. After the widespread distribution of the plan, Guerrero, who was also angry at the betrayal of the man who called himself emperor, came out of hiding to join their cause. Making matters worse for Agustín, the southern provinces of his empire—the states of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica—declared their independence from Mexico (and Spain) under the name República Federal de Centroamérica (Federal Republic of Central America) and there were armed independence movements in a number of neighboring states.

  Santa Anna and his men marched on the capital, facing little serious opposition. The emperor gathered his few remaining loyal troops, but they were badly outnumbered. On May 11, 1823, Agustín signed the document of surrender that also called for his exile. He sailed for Tuscany, but pressure from their Spanish allies forced him to settle in England. The new Mexican congress named him a traitor, but continued to pay him a small pension.

  This new congress abolished the Empire and all other preceding documents, and on March 31, 1823, decided that a triumverate, comprising Victoria, Nicolás Bravo and Pedro Celestino Negrete, a Peninsular, would lead the country as Supreme Executive Power. Three alternates—Miguel Domínguez, Mariano Michelena and Guerrero—were named to provide insurance.

  Over the next year and a half, the triumverate ruled and put together a government. After a year, the Constitución Federal de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos de 1824 (Federal Constitution of the United States of Mexico) was signed, calling for a presidential election. Victoria won a large majority and named Bravo as his vice-president.