The German Peace

by Derek Pennington

  James suggested that this opened up a great financial opportunity for their American bank. They could raise medium term loans or bonds; say five to ten years term, for such countries, on the international capital market in the USA. The proceeds of the loans would be held in escrow in the US pending cash payments to Germany for arms deliveries. James was sure that Deutsche Bank would gladly inform Jamie of any potentially interested countries.

  Nice, clean, simple business. Everybody happy!

  Jamie loved it. For the next hour they went over everything in detail and came up with a game plan. Firstly O’Donnell would have to approve it. Only then would it be submitted to Nigel Thornberry and Deutsche Bank.

  Strangely enough, it was the enthusiasm shown by Jamie, and their animated discussion of the development plan, that was the catalyst needed to drive the last remnants of self-pity about the Magda affair from his mind. He was free!

  Two days later James was back in London. He played with his son while Fiona indulged herself in her favourite pastime. Watching TV and listening to the radio! He actually enjoyed himself!

  It was only a few days later that Jamie telephoned him. All the parties concerned, had given the go ahead for his idea. James’ contribution was acknowledged by a grateful group of shareholders. It was intended that this ‘acknowledgement’ would be something more substantial, once the scheme had proved successful.

  Jamie promised to ensure that this promise would be kept.

  DECEMBER

  The impressive Reichstag looked down upon the pomp and ceremony in front of the building. The Director of Protocol, appointed six months earlier by Albert Speer, had kept an eagle eye on every detail of the proceedings. So far everything had gone smoothly.

  Speer had sent him to Great Britain for several weeks to learn from the world’s masters in protocols and ceremonies. The knowledge thus gained would then be subtly changed to suit the German temperament and historical aspect.

  Today was the first Investiture of the German Order of Merit. There were seven recipients. It was intended that after this, future awards of this honour would be limited to one per year, except in exceptional circumstances.

  The seven founding Members were Baron von Altendorf, Hjalmar Schacht, General Rudolf Sieckenius, Professor Kurt Tank, Field Marshall Erwin Rommel, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, and the ex British Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax, now retired.

  Von Altendorf had proved as much a master of diplomacy as the venerated Otto von Bismarck. All of Europe had benefitted from his unerring guidance in foreign affairs.

  Schacht’s work as Economics Minister was well known by all. A lot of Germany’s prosperity could be directly attributed to his steerage of the economy and the country’s finances after the European War.

  Sieckenius’ success in his new job had been spectacular. He had also played an outstanding role in China for nearly five years. China’s President, Chiang Kai-shek, held the General in high regard and had awarded him China’s top medal for services to his country. He had also given him honorary Chinese citizenship. It was inevitable that his colleagues would nickname him ‘Chinese Sieckenius’.

  Kurt Tank’s brilliant design and engineering work at Focke-Wulf were unequalled in the aviation industry. The Starflight was a world success story. Its eventual successor, the Komet, had all the promise of being another world beater.

  Rommel received the award for his unerring direction of the European Alliance since taking over the newly formed organisation from General von Mannstein. The Alliance’s peacekeeping intervention in Yugoslavia was a model operation.

  Canaris had worked tirelessly to protect Germany, as chief of the Abwher, Germany’s military intelligence, for twelve years. Information provided by his network had been invaluable to Germany’s Governing Council. And, on many occasions, to its allies.

  The sure support and assistance given by Lord Halifax to the peace initiatives of the Germans in 1940 had been of supreme importance in bringing these to a successful conclusion.

  These seven men had played significant roles in the creation of the new, post Nazi, Germany. They were deserving recipients of Germany’s highest honour.

  The award ceremony was over. The Chancellor had presented each recipient with the scroll of membership, together with the gold star on which was embossed the German eagle. He, together with a ceremonial guard, then escorted them to their own ‘Member’s chamber’ within the Reichstag, and presented them with the key.

  Henceforth, only Members of the Order, or their invited guests could enter that chamber. It was theirs for eternity!

  DECEMBER 20

  This was to be the last Council meeting of the year.

  Von Altendorf advised that he had been in communication with the Soviet Foreign Minister about the mooted summit meeting between the German Chancellor and the Soviet leader. Turkey had been suggested as being a suitable ‘neutral’ venue. The date of 20 January, one month away, had been provisionally agreed upon.

  The council were well prepared and had already drawn up an agenda for the meeting. The German team would include the Chancellor, the Foreign Minister, and the Economics and Interior Ministers. The Defence Minister would remain behind as acting Chancellor.

  The Foreign Minister also advised the council that he just heard that the war in Kashmir between India and Pakistan, which had dragged on for the past year and a half, had finally petered out. While the results were inconclusive, India had ended up with about two thirds of the territory, and Pakistan the remaining portion. Total casualties on both sides were less than thirty thousand. An appalling number but deemed to be insufficient to deter future encounters.

  “That, gentlemen, I suspect is the end of only the first conflict between India and Pakistan.

  While on the subject of India, I must mention that the more than five hundred independent Princely states that existed when India was given independence, have all disappeared. Every one of them. They were persuaded, coerced or forcibly annexed. Most of them by India. I am not saying that the rule of the Princes was benevolent for their people, I only draw your attention to the self-interest approach of the newly ‘democratic’ nations of the Indian sub-continent, when they see the chance to acquire territory.”

  The only other item of note was the mention by the Aviation Minister that the first flight of the new Junkers medium jet bomber was scheduled for February. Any Council member that wished to witness it, was obviously welcome to do so.

  The Chancellor closed the meeting and invited everybody to join him for a pre-Christmas drink in the private bar maintained for government use. It had been a good year, let’s celebrate it!

  1947

  TURKEY - 20 JANUARY

  The German-Soviet summit was to be held in what at one time had been an Ottoman noble’s palace on the outskirts of Istanbul. Soldiers of the Turkish Army were swarming all over the place. The unit of Russian special forces guarding the quarters of the Soviet delegation, steadfastly ignored all attempts by the Turks to communicate with them. This had been forbidden by the army’s political commissars.

  The German paratroopers were only a little more responsive. The soldiers of all three countries had been exhorted to extreme vigilance. Or else heads will roll!

  In what had once been a large atrium, now roofed over and converted into a spacious hall, the actual meeting was taking place. The Soviet leader, Stalin, was an object of great interest, fascination even, to the German delegation. They covertly scrutinised him from the moment they saw him. Here was the world’s most brutal dictator and greatest mass murderer, in the flesh. Unlike his countrymen that were present, the psychotic Stalin held no terror for the Germans. Here, he just looked like a tired old man who sometimes seemed unaware of, or was disinterested in, what was going on around him. Von Brauchitsch privately wondered if he may be suffering from some sort of mental degeneration or fatigue.

  On the other hand, Khrushchev, while still obsequies to Stalin, gave the appearance of being the power behind
the throne. ‘This is the one to watch’, thought von Brauchitsch. The Soviet Foreign Minister, Molotov, if one looked carefully for the signs, was definitely anxious to avoid opposing Khrushchev. The same applied to Khrushchev’s protégé, Brezhnev, a bear-like brooding figure.

  Khrushchev was fifty two years old and born of peasant stock. He had been an enthusiastic supporter of Stalin’s purges. Probably to save his own skin. From 1938 he had governed the Ukraine for a year or so. Ukraine had the second largest economy in the Soviet Union. During his governorship Khrushchev had continued with the Moscow directed purges, forced collectivisation of agriculture on the long suffering and malnourished peasants, and conscripted many of its young men into the red Army.

  He had now been a member of the Politburo, Russia’s governing body, since 1939. And it seemed to the Germans that he might be the second most powerful man in the Soviet Union.

  The trade, transport, administrative, financial and other, more mundane, matters between the two countries had quickly been finalised on the first day of their talks. This left the second day for more important matters. Or surprises!

  The following day, in the end, was something of an anti-climax. Stalin again said little, but his minions continually whispered in his ear throughout the talks. It was obvious that Khrushchev was orchestrating whatever it was the Soviets were trying to get at!

  Minister Molotov asked about the independent ex-Yugoslav countries, and if they would join the European Alliance. Von Altendorf answered him, in a detailed reply that the cold facts of the matter were, apart from Serbia, the others had not yet shown any great degree of internal stability. There had even been some border incidents between some of the new states. Until these states ‘matured’, their membership of the Alliance was out of the question.

  While Serbia could possibly be considered to be a suitable member under normal circumstances, the fact that the country was surrounded by unstable ex-Yugoslavia states, ruled against membership.

  When asked about Greece, von Altendorf said much the same thing. He personally did not see that country being eligible to join the Alliance for the foreseeable future. Corruption, nepotism, and gross inefficiency were rife. Their government was too set in its ways to reform!

  The Soviet Union’s two powerful anti-communist nations on their eastern border, China and Japan were of great concern to the Russians. They wanted to know what was Germany’s real relationship with them.

  Von Altendorf knew that they understood perfectly well what the real relationship was. It was just another part of their ploy towards setting the scene for their desired arms limitation pact. Or possibly something else as well!

  Nevertheless he patiently explained that they were both big trading partners of Germany, and while China was considered a nation friendly to Germany, Japan was a little less so. He added that he believed neither of those two countries harboured any aggressive intentions towards their Soviet neighbour. He reminded Molotov that he himself had said ‘only a fool would attack Russia!

  A glimmer of a smile was seen on the Russian’s face.

  Now Khrushchev openly entered the debate, in effect, getting down to the serious stuff. He queried why the European Alliance thought that they needed nearly three thousand tanks and mobile guns to defend themselves, when the only conceivable threat could be from the Soviet Union, who had deliberately slowed down their own re-armament in recent years and shown their peaceful intentions.”

  ‘Damn good question’, von Brauchitsch thought. ‘I must tell General Beck that the Soviet intelligence network is working well’. He would answer this one, and speak the plain truth - mostly.

  “A direct question deserves a direct answer.” He paused, for effect. “Part of the answer lies in history. During the 1930s, we, in Germany, were aware of certain purges within your country. And that these actions resulted in many, many deaths. This was something we would fight with everything we possessed to avoid similar happenings in our own country. Germany, like all countries, has the right to a strong defensive capability.” He could sense the Soviets were uncomfortable with his mention of the purges, but the truth is the truth. Let them be uncomfortable!

  He continued. “Up to the end of the European War in mid-1940, the Soviet Union was always seen by the previous Nazi regime as being a serious threat to Germany. Indeed, Adolf Hitler was almost paranoid about your country. This mind-set, inevitably led to a deeply entrenched mistrust of the Soviet Union throughout Germany. Although this attitude originated from the political leadership, it was unavoidable that it also affected the armed forces to some degree.

  Since that time, however, consider how well the Soviet Union and Germany have worked together. Nobody can possibly argue that our two countries haven’t developed a very good trading relationship. We are each of us, the biggest single trading partner of the other. This works well for the benefit of both our countries. To allow anything to adversely affect this would be simply foolish.”

  Another slight pause from him before he carried on speaking.

  “It should also be remembered that the two best battleships of the Red Navy, two very powerful fighting machines, were supplied to you by us. That was not an act of an unfriendly nation.

  The German armed forces have been reduced from over four million men in 1940, to fewer than one million today. I know that the Red Army is very much bigger than this.

  The current main weapons systems - the jet fighters and tanks - of the German and Alliance armed forces, originate from designs approved and started in the late 1930s. To date we have not introduced anything else that is new or revolutionary.

  The Soviet Union, however, started to introduce new aircraft, the Sturmovik, and tanks, the T34, both of which are very formidable developments, long before we introduced our own new weapons. We made no protest to you. We simply accepted that we had to upgrade ourselves, or become militarily inferior to the Soviet Union, which is, after all, the largest country in the world.

  The number of battle tanks and mobile artillery that you have quoted, are held by the European Alliance and are spread across thirteen countries, most of which do not have a common border with the Soviet Union and therefore pose little external threat to you. Collectively the number is still deemed to be insufficient, even from a purely defensive aspect.”

  Von Brauchitsch now tested the Soviets with one of his pet theories. “As regards your comment about the Soviet Union deliberately slowing down your rearmament, we believe you have re-located or built new factories deep inside Siberia, away from prying eyes, and that your production of aircraft and tanks is as high as ever.” He watched their reaction.

  He was right! The sneaky bastards had done exactly that. They didn’t even try to deny it. Von Brauchitsch was puzzled by their reaction! He looked at von Altendorf.

  The Baron cleared his throat and spoke directly to Krushchev and Stalin. “The past six years of peace have brought unprecedented prosperity to Europe, including the Soviet Union. We each have our own different political system. You do not like ours, and we don’t like yours. But, I think you will agree that at no time have we sought to impose our ideology on you. In fact we have refrained from any public criticism of your country. As Chancellor von Brauchitsch has just said, our two countries are working well together. Who in their right mind would wish to spoil it?

  Germany has proved it has no wish for additional territories. We gave independence back to the European countries that we had decisively defeated in the European War. Neither did we demand the return of our old colonies in Africa from Britain in our peace negotiations. It was also suggested to us in late 1940, that we take over Italy and oust the Fascist dictator, Mussolini. We could have easily have done it, but we were not interested. Italy was a sovereign country and even though we disapproved of its government, we would not interfere.

  The whole world witnessed the Alliance peacekeeping operation in Yugoslavia at the request of their own Regent. It was undertaken with reluctance on our part, but to ha
ve taken no action would have caused the entire region to explode. We were in - and out - of that country in a matter of a few months.

  I believe that the Soviet Union should regard these different actions as indisputable confirmation of our existing policies to promote peace and harmony across Europe.”

  He held up his hands in a conciliatory gesture. “Perhaps some distrust does still remain between us due to historic circumstances. Here, today, we have an opportunity to eliminate it.”

  The Soviet translators relayed all this to their individual masters. There was silence for several minutes. Khrushchev talked in a low voice to Stalin for a few moments, then a little longer with Molotov.