The Prince of Jockeys

by Pellom McDaniels III

  Depending on one's perspective, Isaac's persona as a gentleman jockey was both a contradiction of the supposed differences between the two types of riders and an example of what blacks were capable of achieving in Western civilization. An American capitalist himself, Isaac used his knowledge of horses and of the ins and outs of racing as capital to be invested in the labor of horses. His understanding of American race relations also informed his decision to combine the two categories of gentleman rider and gentleman jockey, which seemed to contradict each other.4 But in American society, where the ongoing anxiety attached to race, work, and masculinity continued to inform the growing animosity between blacks and whites, he was on point.

  From December to March, as he wrestled with his decision whether to retire from the saddle, Isaac's weight hovered between 130 and 140 pounds. If he wanted to ride quality mounts in the Louisville stakes races, he would have to get down to 115 pounds. Meanwhile, Isaac and Lucy spent a considerable amount of time together, enjoying the quiet and calm of the off-season, away from the helter-skelter demands of horse racing. They likely settled into their own routines of enjoyment and repose. Besides riding his horses to keep fit, Isaac pursued other, more manly endeavors, as noted by a Kentucky Leader writer reporting on the goings-on around Lexington and the upcoming season at the Kentucky Association racecourse:

  Isaac Murphy, the celebrated jockey, is spending his winter quietly at his fine home in this city. He rarely comes down to town, and spends most of his time hunting, of which sport he is not only very fond, but he is also a crack shot with either rifle or shotgun. He has a passion for guns and has a choice collection of all kinds of rifles and shotguns. A few nights ago Isaac was initiated into a local colored lodge of Masons, and he is, therefore, probably the only jockey in this country to become a member of the ancient Order.5

  Murphy's desire for social acceptance was validated with his admittance to the Lincoln Lodge Masons, affirming his status in the black community of Lexington, throughout the Bluegrass region, and quite possibly throughout the country.6

  Generally composed of professional men—doctors, lawyers, educators, barbers, and ministers—Freemasonry had become a central part of African American community life by 1890.7 In Kentucky, black Freemasonry had existed since 1880; early members included Louisville's Horace Morris and Lexington's Henry King, M. T. Clay, and Jordan C. Jackson. In Lexington, the officers of Lincoln Lodge Number 10 included Henry Tandy, a well-respected brick mason and building contractor; H. J. Jackson, a partner in Jackson and Wilson, furniture manufacturers; Joe Bradley, who worked for the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad; Ed Chennault, a past president of the Colored Fair Association and member of the Republican Committee of Fayette County; Charles Mitchell, a barber; James Ellis, a tailor; S. P. Young, the pastor of First Baptist Church; and Albert Johnson, a partner in Mullen and Johnson, carriage makers. Isaac had to relish being part of a brotherhood that included so many community leaders, some of whom had helped guide him through the early years of his life.

  Murphy's initiation into the Freemasons not only honored his personal accomplishments and unwavering character but also legitimized his profession. Becoming a Mason put Isaac on a par with some of the well-heeled owners of Thoroughbred farms, who shared the bonds of fraternity but probably did not affiliate with their “colored” brethren. In fact, Isaac's initiation into the Order may have perturbed them. His confirmation as a member of the Knights Templars, a “higher or warrior class” of Freemason,8 and his designation as the Keeper of Values recognized his commitment to honor and integrity.

  In keeping with Victorian traditions of womanhood, Lucy would have gravitated toward leisure activities with friends and acquaintances of the same sex who shared similar interests. Their conversations would have revolved around their respective roles in their families, their community activities, and their relationships with one another. Because of Isaac's membership in the Freemasons, Lucy likely joined the women's auxiliary organization, the Order of the Eastern Stars. Historian Martha S. Jones notes that the role of African American women in the organization was reflected in the greater roles they assumed in shaping their communities' religious activities and their challenges to “gendered conventions of fraternal orders by speaking at their gatherings and questioning their marginal standing” in the community.9 As a member, Lucy would have been expected to participate in all the rituals of the Order and to learn the opening ode, “Just Before the Battle, Mother”:

  Here around the altar meeting,

  Where the sons of light combine

  Mingled with our friendly greeting,

  Is the glow of love divine

  For the Hall to virtue given.

  Keep in view the Lodge supernal

  And our emblems on the wall,

  Life is love enthroned in Heav'n

  Point us to the Lodge in Heaven

  Where the true light never wavers

  And the Master of us all

  And our mortal sins for-given.

  In the bonds of Mason's duty

  Seek we now the Mason's light,

  Forms of Wisdom, Strength and Beauty

  Teach us what is good and right;

  Far be every sinful passion,

  Near be every gentle grace;

  And so at last this holy mission

  Shall reveal our Master's face.

  Keep in view the Lodge supernal

  Life is love enthroned in Heaven

  Where the true light never wavers

  And our mortal sins for-given.10

  The Order of the Eastern Stars would convene in members' homes and churches to work on projects related to education, poverty, and the housing of orphaned children. In addition to participating in these meetings, Lucy would have attended lectures and discussed with other middle- and upper-class black women the various issues concerning Lexington's close-knit black community. As the wife of Isaac Murphy, a favorite son of black Lexington, Lucy would have worked to maintain her sense of purpose, while assisting her husband in his development as a community leader.

  Both Lucy and Isaac were at home in Lexington, where their membership in the community was confirmed by their many friendships and acquaintances. Almost certainly, the Murphys could be counted among the most prominent Negro men and women in Kentucky, if not in all of America.

  The Prince of Jockeys

  While rumors circulated about Isaac's ability to continue to win races and his employment prospects for the spring, his positive qualities were confirmed by the Dwyer brothers' trainer, Frank McCabe. Asked what he thought of the Kentucky jockey's riding during the previous season, McCabe answered:

  “First rate. It couldn't have been better,” returned Mr. McCabe warmly, “and both the Messrs. Dwyer were more than satisfied with his work for us in the saddle. What nonsense people talk about Murphy not being able to ride any more. I tell you he is a grand horseman, and when you take such a horseman as McLaughlin, Murphy, Howard and Fitzpatrick out of the ranks you leave a great big hole in the list of great American riders. You remember how they talked about Murphy after the race for the Omnibus. I think you were about the only turf writer in New York who came out and said that he rode Proctor Knott a good race. Well, he did. I consider he rode him a grand race. I like Isaac Murphy. He is a model young man to have any dealings with.”11

  Among most knowledgeable trainers and owners, Murphy was still revered; however, by late April, he was still unattached to a stable. It is entirely possible that this was by choice. Murphy had apparently been negotiating quietly with Ed Corrigan to ride his bay colt Riley in the Kentucky Derby, but this was not known until a few weeks before the opening day of the Louisville races.

  As planned, Murphy stayed at his Lexington home until after the Kentucky Association meeting, held May 6 to 13. Whether he attended the races in person, sitting in the grandstand, or watched from his own observation deck is not known. Either way, he could not help but notice several of the young, up-and-coming jocke
ys who would be his competition should he decide to ride during the 1890 season. Especially impressive was the young Lexingtonian Tom Britton, who won six races over the seven-day meeting. The lightweight jockey's daring—whether the result of special talent or raw stupidity—caught the attention of seasoned veterans of the turf who remembered a young Ed Brown, a young William Walker, Isaac Lewis, and numerous others who have since disappeared from the annals of horse-racing history.

  Isaac was very introspective about his decision whether to continue riding, processing his thoughts in the quiet of his home. He had not yet settled on who he would ride for after the Kentucky Derby, if anyone, but it was good to have options. The Dwyer brothers, J. B. Haggin, Ed Corrigan, and E. J. Baldwin were all interested. Lucy, no doubt, had some influence over her husband, and feared for his life each time he took to the saddle. However, Isaac was a professional, and he always took all the proper precautions, checking his equipment to make sure his saddle, stirrups, and bridle were properly fitted and secure, and even checking the course the morning before a race, looking for low and muddy spots to help him plan his moves.

  By the time the Louisville Jockey Club meeting opened on May 15, everyone knew that Isaac had signed to ride in the Kentucky Derby for Ed Corrigan. On the day of the race, Isaac took an early-morning train from Lexington to a rainy Louisville and reported to the track where Riley was stabled. In an interview in the Lexington Leader, Isaac revealed Corrigan's instructions:

  As soon as I got to the track I went to the stable for my colors. Riley was locked up in his stall. The boy in charge asked me if I wanted to see the horse. I told him no; I would see [him] when I came to ride him. I went back to the track, and there was Mr. Corrigan. I asked him what kind of horse he had, and which I had to go against. You see, it was reported that Robespierre had beaten him in his work. Mr. Corrigan said Robespierre had perhaps more speed than Riley, “but there's the horse, and ride him to suit yourself, and use your own judgment.”12

  When the horses were called to the track, Isaac brought Riley from the paddock area and guided him to the post, where they waited for the start of the race. The weather, though not ideal, could have been worse for the spectators in the grandstand. The grounds were wet from rain earlier in the day, but all the fans were excited to see the Derby and hopeful that their particular horse would come away the winner. As a precaution against fatigue, Isaac chose not to gallop Riley around the track to warm him up for the race. Instead, both horse and rider waited patiently at the post, calm and composed.

  Taking his cue from Corrigan, Isaac chose a waiting race to conserve Riley's energy. The brown colt Robespierre was in excellent shape, and Isaac expected him to be a challenge from the outset. After a fairly even start, Isaac let the jockey Francis set the pace on Robespierre for the first mile, watching from third position behind Fleetwood's bay colt Outlook. Keeping a constant pull on Riley, who was “running easy,” Isaac and the other jockeys were in no hurry to pick up the pace in the mud, which meant the race was not going to break any records.13 As Bill Letcher moved up to second position, Robespierre kept his pace, and Isaac kept waiting. As the field rounded the turn into the backstretch, events unfolded as Murphy had anticipated. Robespierre had spent himself running through the mud, and Bill Letcher had tried to take the lead too soon. Turning into the stretch, Isaac let Riley go, and the horse surged ahead unchallenged, winning by three lengths. The victory netted Corrigan $5,460, and Murphy was paid $1,000 for his services.14

  When he told his story to a reporter for the Kentucky Leader, Murphy failed to mention how he knew that the fast horse would wear himself out in the mud or how he knew that Francis would base his riding strategy on Robespierre's performance under ideal conditions on a fair track. This knowledge gave him an edge. Spirit of the Times noted that “Murphy had Riley under a gentle pull, and it was evident that he could send his mount to the front whenever the latter was called on.”15 Isaac knew that a fast horse wants to run fast all the time, and on a muddy track he would just waste his energy going nowhere fast. Pace and control mattered, especially in races run under less than ideal conditions. Murphy's calculated victory on Riley was his second in the Kentucky Derby—his first coming on Buchanan six years earlier in 1884.

  Murphy was able to go home to Lexington after the Derby, returning to Louisville four days later to ride Riley again in the Clark Stakes. For the second time, the talented veteran jockey guided Corrigan's mighty three-year-old to victory, winning handily by four lengths over a field that included his two rivals from the Kentucky Derby, Robespierre and Bill Letcher.16

  Sometime between Louisville and Latonia, Murphy signed a $15,000 contract to ride for J. B. Haggin for the 1890 season.17 This meant he and Lucy would be relocating to New York for the rest of the year, racing at Saratoga, Monmouth Park, Brooklyn, and Coney Island. These tracks had been the sites of some of Isaac's most important and dramatic victories on horses such as Vera Cruz, Falsetto, Freeland, Emperor of Norfolk, and Salvator. Riding against jockeys such as Jimmy McLaughlin, Ed Garrison, Fred Taral, and William Howard, Isaac had easily won hundreds of thousands of dollars for his employers over his fifteen-year career. In New York, he had also created a name for himself among horse-racing enthusiasts who had won small and large sums of money betting on his success in the saddle. Most important, African Americans in the Northeast valued Isaac's success as an indicator of racial progress and achievement in all things, even though some people did not consider jockeying a respectable profession.

  There is no doubt that Isaac fully understood the importance of maintaining the confidence of the people who made horse racing possible—the owners as well as the spectators, most of whom had complete faith in his intent to win each race he entered. Like most owners, Haggin knew the advantages of having the best jockey, but he also knew the value of having an incorruptible jockey in the saddle, one whose sole purpose was to compete to win and in whom he could have complete trust and confidence.

  Before venturing east to meet Haggin's stable, Isaac had one more obligation to fulfill in the West: riding Corrigan's Riley in the annual Spring Derby at Latonia on May 24. As he had at the Kentucky Association meeting, young Tom Britton excelled at Latonia, capturing seven victories, five second-place finishes, and five third-place finishes. Murphy, in contrast, did not do so well. Spirit of the Times reported his loss on Riley, the favorite, in a three-horse race with Kentucky Derby rival Bill Letcher and J. K. Megibben's Avondale: “The three were sent away at the first attempt, and it was at once seen that each jockey was intent on making a waiting race of it. The pace was so slow, however, that Murphy—something he rarely ever does—went to the front and led the other pair by over a length before they had gone a quarter. Likely enough that, with the top weight he would have preferred to remain in the rear, but the others would not let him do so, and so to the front he went.”18 Similar to the Kentucky Derby and the Clark Stakes, Isaac was allowed to run the race as he saw fit. Unfortunately, the other two jockeys, Monk Overton and Alonzo Allen, had learned something from watching the veteran. They let Isaac go to the front and set the pace, drafting behind him. After three-quarters of a mile, neither would allow Riley to get behind them. In the end, Isaac would be outsmarted by Allen on Bill Letcher.

  Commenting on the loss, Isaac stated that the “race was run and won on its merits, anybody could see that…. When it came to real racing I gave Riley both whip and spur, but it was no use. I couldn't possibly hold stall off that rush of Letcher's, who had the most speed, and the race was all over at the eight pole.”19 Murphy had been beaten at his own game, and he knew it. A few weeks prior, he had schooled Allen in how to run a waiting race, only to have his hand forced and his own strategy used against him. Whether this was a sign of Murphy's diminishing abilities or the rising level of talent among jockeys in general is not clear. What is clear is that changes were taking place in horse racing that Isaac would be linked to, as well as the victim of. Soon after his race at Latonia, at t
he request of Matt Byrnes, Haggin's trainer for Salvator and Firenzi, Isaac and Lucy traveled to New York.

  Arriving by train sometime before the end of May, the Murphys likely took up residence in the Brooklyn Heights area, in one of the many apartments available to “respectable colored families” in the middle-class urban hamlet of class-cognizant African Americans. Brooklyn was home to some of the most progressive and forward-thinking blacks. Numbering a little over 10,000 by 1890, Brooklyn's black community was filled with energetic, self-reliant people who were openly and outwardly enjoying the benefits of progress through education, religious conviction, and social mobility. A mixture of transplanted Southerners (most of them from Florida), native working-class folks, and the striving elite (many of whom maintained social clubs and owned businesses), Brooklyn was a place of possibilities for blacks. The Murphys likely chose to live in Brooklyn because it was close to the activities they enjoyed in their leisure time and provided easy access to transportation to the horse parks. In addition, they might have been attracted to what historian Carla L. Peterson calls “Black Gotham,” with its professionals, entertainments, and attractions and the opportunity to socialize with the most influential African American men and women in the city.20