Hastings to Culloden - Battles in Britain 1066-1746

by Glen Lyndon Dodds

  Borlum’s crossing of the Firth of Forth caused consternation among the loyal citizens of Edinburgh, and in the belief that the city was in danger, they urgently requested help from Argyll. He reacted swiftly. He sent part of his army posthaste to the capital and soon followed himself. Borlum did indeed move on Edinburgh, but when he saw that preparations were being made to oppose him, he made for Leith instead and occupied a disused fortress. On the 15th he was called upon by Argyll to surrender. He refused, and the duke returned to the capital. Later that day Borlum moved east, and then subsequently began moving south after being ordered to do so urgently by Mar.

  By this date another rising, this time in the southwest of Scotland, had commenced and on 22 October Borlum joined the rebels (and the Northumbrian Jacobites with whom they had become associated), at Kelso. Though it would undoubtedly have been wise to move against Argyll, something which Mar hoped would happen, the combined force crossed into England in the erroneous belief that it would find much support in the North West, with the result that the small insurgent army surrendered to government forces at Preston on 14 November following a battle in the streets of the town.

  Meanwhile, Argyll had dashed back to Stirling from Edinburgh on 17 October (he left Major-General Wightman with some men to hold the capital), after hearing that Mar had advanced from Perth. The earl did so on 16 October and arrived at Dunblane, five miles north of Stirling, late on the 17th. The following day, however, he began retracing his steps rather than confront Argyll.

  Hence Mar dallied once again at Perth. Here, in early November, he received expected reinforcements. The Earl of Seaforth, for instance, the chief of the Mackenzies, arrived with a force from the north on the 4th or 5th.

  By the second week of the month, with winter approaching, Mar at last decided that it was time for decisive action. On 10 November he marched out of Perth (leaving three battalions to hold the city), with the intention of joining the Jacobite force which later surrendered at Preston. On the 11th he reviewed his army at Auchterarder, where he had just been joined by a body of Highlanders under General Alexander Gordon who had been sent from Perth to rally the western clans. On the other hand, Mar had been weakened by the desertion of the Frasers and a battalion of Gordons during the night of the 10/11th. Nevertheless his army was still formidable. He was reluctant however, to fight a pitched battle: it had been decided before leaving Perth that three diversionary attacks would be made in the vicinity of Stirling to occupy Argyll while Mar and the bulk of his army crossed the Forth further upstream.

  Unfortunately for the Jacobites, Argyll had a number of spies in their camp and thus soon received information about their advance and plans. His response was bold. He ordered Wightman to join him from Edinburgh with his men and then, after leaving militia to hold Stirling, took the offensive at the head of an army which though reinforced was still weaker than that of his opponent. Argyll left Stirling on 12 November and later that day encamped just to the east of Dunblane, beneath wild and windswept Sheriffmuir.

  On the same day Mar moved south from Auchterarder, with General Gordon commanding an advance guard. Argyll’s unexpected march from Stirling thwarted an attempt by Gordon to secure Dunblane and so he halted at about 4.00pm at Kinbuck two miles to the north and awaited Mar who appeared on the scene at around 9.00pm.

  Before dawn the following morning, the Jacobites drew up just to the east of Kinbuck. Then, as the sun rose at about 8.00am they saw, as the Master of Sinclair recalled, ‘a command of horse on the high ground to the south.’ As Robert Patton states, the horse were ‘on the Height of the West End of the Sheriff Muir.’

  What the Jacobites were looking at was a reconnaissance party led by Argyll. For some time both sides looked at each other. Mar then sent cavalry and foot to drive away the enemy and so the reconnaissance party moved off. A council of war was then held in the Jacobite camp and it was decided to give battle. Consequently, after 11.00am, the Jacobites commenced moving and soon began ascending Sheriffmuir.

  Argyll responded by leading his men up onto the moor to confront the Jacobites. In the past Highlanders had routed government soldiers by charging furiously down on them and he did not wish to let that happen again.

  Before discussing events further, something needs to be said about the character and background of the respective commanders and the composition, weaponry and tactics of the armies they led.

  Argyll and his Army

  The Duke of Argyll was born in 1678. His military career began as a teenager when he was appointed to command the regiment founded by his father, the Argylls. He soon showed signs of great promise, and in later years enhanced his reputation at Ramillies (1706), Oudenarde (1708) and Malplaquet (1709), where he held high rank under Marlborough.

  Argyll was brave and daring. At Malplaquet, for example, he led an audacious charge which drove the French from the woods of Sart and though he escaped injury, his coat, hat and periwig were hit by shot. In the Highlands exploits such as this made him a respected figure, and he was known as ‘Red John of the Battles.’

  Argyll did not only cut a fine figure on the battlefield. He made his mark in the political field—he played a prominent part in bringing about the Act of Union of 1707 which united Scotland and England—and was noted for his fine oratory. Indeed, Lord Chesterfield said of him that he was the most ‘persuasive and applauded speaker I ever saw.’ His abilities in both fields were commemorated by Pope in the couplet quoted at the beginning of this chapter. Nevertheless, despite his ability, he was prone to bouts of depression and self-doubt.

  On the whole, it is probably fair to say that Argyll has not had a good press. He was certainly proud and ambitious. However, he was an essentially decent man, less cold and manipulative than some of his line: his actions were often motivated by passion, and though intelligent, he was significantly described by a contemporary as a weak reasoner.

  In later life he said of himself:

  I have, ever since I set out in the world . . . served my prince with my tongue. I have served him with any little interest I had; and I have served him in my trade, and were I tomorrow to be stripped of all the employments I have endeavoured honestly to deserve, I would serve him again to the utmost of my power, and to the last drop of my blood.

  Argyll’s army was almost entirely composed of regular soldiers. Some of the regiments were raw, having been newly raised; the remainder, though well below full strength, contained many veterans who had fought under Marlborough.

  Officers of this period were usually of gentle birth and though some did not take their duties very seriously, many were competent and dedicated soldiers who displayed a high degree of professionalism. The rank and file were mostly of dubious background. Few respectable members of society found the idea of enlisting attractive owing to bad pay and poor living conditions.

  At Sheriffmuir Argyll had some 900 or so cavalry, 60 gentlemen volunteers, and about 2,200 infantry.

  The cavalry consisted of five regiments of dragoons. These rode inferior mounts to those of the higher ranking cavalry of the line—the Horse—who were not among the duke’s small army. In the past dragoons had usually dismounted to fight but by this date it had become common for them to serve as cavalry. The dragoon was principally armed with a carbine and a straight sword. In appearance he looked like an infantryman, except for his riding boots.

  The bulk of Argyll’s army consisted of eight regiments of foot. These were single battalion regiments, as were most of the regiments of foot in the British Army, comprising thirteen companies. Of these one was a grenadier company, the remainder contained musketeers.

  Grenadiers were the tallest and strongest infantry and were often used as shock troops. They were usually armed with three hand grenades, a musket, bayonet and sword, and also possessed a hatchet.

  Musketeers were armed with flintlock muskets (which had an effective rang
e of about 60 yards), swords, and socket bayonets which fitted over the muzzle and thus allowed the musket to be fired with the bayonet in place, unlike earlier bayonets which had plugged into the muzzle thereby rendering the weapon inoperative as a firearm. The principal task of the infantry was to rout the enemy foot. A regiment advanced to the attack in line, drawn up three ranks deep, then, when within effective range, halted and began firing systematically with the front rank kneeling.

  Mar and his Army

  The Earl of Mar was born in 1675 into an illustrious but impoverished aristocratic Scottish family. He was a politician, not a soldier, and held high office as Secretary of State for Scotland during the reign of Anne and participated in the events which brought about the Act of Union.

  A contemporary, George Lockhart of Carnwarth, wrote that Mar’s ‘greatest talent lay in the cunning management of his designs and projects . . . and thus he showed himself to be a man of good sense but bad morals.’ He was undoubtedly ambitious and proved himself ready to change his allegiance when he believed it in his best interests to do so. It is said that his nickname, ‘Bobbing John,’ derived from his jerky gait and willingness to change his coat when he saw which way the tide was turning. It is only right however to note that Mar was not the only one prone to tergiversation, for treachery and double dealing in political circles were about as commonplace as severed heads in Revolutionary France. Moreover, although capable of decisive action, Mar was essentially weak and had difficulty converting stirring oratory into real achievements.

  At Sheriffmuir he had approximately 800 horse, most of whom were Lowlanders, and about 6,290 foot, the majority of whom were clansmen from the Grampian Highlands.

  Though not regular soldiers, many clansmen had seen action in inter-clan conflicts. They were brought to battle by their chief, or one of his representatives, and it would thus be a mistake to conclude that all Highlanders who fought for the Stuarts did so out of devotion to the Jacobite cause for many would have been compelled to serve.

  The principal weapon of well-equipped Highlanders was the broadsword, a single-handed basket-hilted weapon of continental origin which, incidentally, was also used by many cavalry of the British Army. Clansmen also possessed dirks. These were usually 18in long, and for many Highlanders served as a substitute for a sword. Those who could afford to do so also had a musket and/or, a pair of pistols. Hay forks, scythes, and sometimes even sticks, were used by the humblest members of Highland society. For protection many clansmen carried a round shield known as a targe. When lined up for combat the best equipped individuals were naturally placed to the fore.

  The normal tactic was to charge towards the enemy on foot, screaming clan war-cries. On the eve of Falkirk in 1746 General Henry Hawley, a veteran of Sheriffmuir, recalled that when within ‘three score yards’ of their opponents charging clansmen in the front rank would fire and then discard their muskets. They, and their colleagues, would then continue on ‘in a cluster with their swords and targes making a noise and endeavouring to pierce . . . the battalions before them.’

  Though generally courageous, it was uncommon for clansmen to indulge in senseless heroics. If things went wrong they usually withdrew. ‘Better is a good retreat than a bad stand’ was one of their proverbs.

  The virtues of the Highland warrior were courage and toughness. The failings were a strong tendency to desert with loot and a general lack of discipline.

  As far as dress is concerned, the majority of clansmen would have been wearing, as their chief item of clothing, the belted plaid. This was a large tartan garment belted at the waist so that the lower portion hung to the knees as a roughly pleated skirt, while the remainder was either wrapped around the upper part of the body or fastened to the left shoulder by a brooch or pin. No doubt trews were worn instead by some of those present.

  As has been noted, Lowlanders also served in Mar’s army. Most were infantry, but there were mounted country gentlemen and their retinues from Aberdeenshire, Fife, Stirlingshire and elsewhere.

  Description

  It was approaching midday when the armies began deploying for battle on Sheriffmuir. Mar’s army—which had advanced in several columns from near Kinbuck—was evidently the first to arrive at the battlesite. The exact deployment of the Jacobites is uncertain. Apparently, though, the host became rather disorganised for Mar recalled that ‘they fell in some confusion in forming up for battle.’

  According to the Master of Sinclair, as horse were making their way to deploy on the left flank, aides de camp rode up as they were nearing their position and ordered that all the horse were to go ‘to the right of the whole army.’ Hence at least some of the horse in question moved to the right. Furthermore, a squadron under the Earl Marischal ended up somewhere in the centre. Marischal’s brother, James Keith, a veteran of the battle, recalled that ‘one columne of foot’ inclined to the right ‘and another to the left of the Earl Marischal’s squadron of horse’ with the result that the squadron, ‘which should have been on the right, found itself in the centre.’ Similarly, Mar recorded that ‘some of the horse form’d near the centre.’

  The army was drawn up in two lines. General Gordon was in command on the right, and General Hamilton on the left. Mar, who was in overall command, took up a position somewhere on the right.

  And what of Argyll’s army? The right wing was under the personal command of the duke. It seems to have consisted of two squadrons of Evan’s dragoons and two squadrons of the Royal Scots Greys with, to the rear, the gentlemen volunteers. General Wightman commanded the centre. This consisted of six regiments of foot in the front line—these were, probably, from left to right, Clayton’s, Montagu’s, Morrison’s, Shannon’s, Wightman’s and Forfar’s Buffs—with Orrery’s and Egerton’s regiments of foot to the rear. On either flank of the second line was a squadron of Stair’s dragoons. The left wing, under General Whetham, consisted of Carpenter’s and Kerr’s dragoons.

  Interestingly, the right wings of the armies overlapped the enemy left wing. This was due to the lie of the ground, which led to neither commander being entirely sure of his opponent’s dispositions, and the speedy nature of the preparations for battle.

  We are told that the Jacobites were eager to fight, confident of victory: at last the weeks of frustration were over. As for Argyll’s men, some probably drew comfort from the fact that their commander was one of the most admired soldiers in the British Army, while others perhaps dwelt on the fearsome reputation of the Highlanders and drew little comfort from doing so.

  And what of the terrain? Today much of the battlesite is well-wooded but in 1715 Sheriffmuir was wild and desolate. Moreover, towards the south, where the land falls to a stream known as the Wharry Burn, some of the ground was waterlogged, though at least sections of this appear to have been rendered passable by a heavy frost.

  Reportedly, the Jacobite right wing could have fallen upon the opposing government soldiers before the latter were prepared to receive them. Sinclair tells us that Gordon was told by ‘Captain Livingstone of Dumbarton’s Regiment, with great oaths, To attack the enemie before they were formed.’ Gordon, however, was unwilling to do so without consulting Mar and the resultant delay enabled the vulnerable government soldiers to deploy, or at least be in a better state of readiness than had been the case.

  When the Jacobite right wing did charge it momentarily faltered when Allan MacDonald, the popular and courageous Captain of Clanranald, was cut down by enemy fire. At this point however, Alexander MacDonnell of Glengarry rushed forward, shouting: ‘Revenge! Revenge! Today for revenge, and tomorrow for mourning!’ and in so doing urged the Highlanders on.

  Soon they clashed with the ranks of their outnumbered opponents and set to work with their dirks and broadswords. Fear rapidly spread among their adversaries. It was not long before resistance collapsed and the soldiers began fleeing towards Dunblane. Whetham, on the extreme left with C
arpenter’s dragoons, reportedly fought courageously but his efforts to inspire his men came to nothing and he too was soon falling back. Not surprisingly, the fleeing horse and foot were pursued. Mar himself, was among those who gave chase, in the belief that the battle was won. But was it? How had the Jacobites fared elsewhere?

  Here things were going well for Argyll. Hamilton’s men charged at about the same time as their colleagues on the right, but met stiffer resistance. After inconclusive fighting between the infantry, Argyll sent his dragoons under Colonel Cathcart against the Jacobite left flank and this threw the latter onto the defensive. They began to be pushed back and then broke. The gallant young Earl of Strathmore perished at this juncture. Deserted by many of his men, he fought on doggedly until, having been struck by a musket shot, he was cut down by a dragoon. Of him Sinclair wrote: ‘He was the young man of all I ever saw who approached the nearest to perfection.’

  Though the government soldiers in this sector had gained the upper hand their opponents did not take to headlong flight. They rallied on several occasions, thirteen in all it is said. However, Argyll ensured that they received little respite and slowly drove them back in a two-mile semicircle to Allan Water. Here, in the vicinity of Kinbuck, three hours or so after the battle’s commencement, some of the tired and dispirited Jacobites managed to escape by crossing the river. Others drowned while attempting to do so, or chose to surrender instead. It seems that Argyll tried to minimize casualties as much as possible, for at some stage after his men had gained the ascendancy he reportedly cried out ‘Oh! Spare the poor Bluebonnets.’

  One of the Jacobites who did manage to cross Allan Water was John Cameron, the commander of the Cameron regiment. He subsequently stated in a letter to his formidable father Sir Ewan Cameron of Lochiel (the elderly clan chief) that shortly after doing so he ‘percieved Rob Roy MacGregor’ and his men marching toward him, ‘coming from the town of Doune.’ Cameron continues: ‘I marched towards him with the few I had got together, perceiving Argyll opposite to us, I entreated . . . that we would join and cross the River to attack Argyll; which he absolutely refused.’ But whether Cameron can be trusted on this point is uncertain (it has been suggested that he was trying to assure his father that his performance at Sheriffmuir was a creditable one), for accounts of Rob Roy’s actions on the 13th differ, though all agree that he did not take part in the fighting.