The Call of Destiny (The Return of Arthur Book 1)

by Unknown

  Arthur nodded. ‘An absolutely crucial question. To kill the monster you must go for the head. When bin Laden was alive we used to think all Islamist terror groups took their orders from Al Qa’eda. But then we discovered that Al Qa’eda weren’t the only players in town. Recently we have noticed a change in terrorists’ geo-political strategy.’

  ‘Can you explain?’

  ‘These days,’ continued Arthur, ‘terror groups are targeting not just Europe and The United States, but many other countries, including Russia, China and Japan. In other words they are confronting all the developed nations. Setting the poor against the rich could be a good way of destabilising the planet and creating chaos.’

  ‘With what aim?’ asked Angela Furnival.

  ‘Out of the ashes of the old world a new Empire would arise.’

  ‘An Islamic Empire – is that what you mean?’ asked Leo Grant.

  Arthur considered the question carefully. ‘We all know that Al Qa’eda orchestrated the Islamist revolutions of the second decade that overthrew the old Arab feudal regimes. We also know that the financial and logistical backing came from the Iranian mullahs. There is no escaping the fact that since then Iran has been dominant in the Middle East, its power contained to some extent by the West, aided by Israel. The CIA, our own MI6 and Mossad are picking up more and more talk of a Second Persian Empire, an Empire that would control not just the Middle East but the whole world.’

  ‘If these devices really exist,’ said Julian Petherbridge, Secretary of State for the Environment, ‘what are the chances of finding them before the deadline expires?’

  It was the question on everyone’s mind, and every cabinet member was looking to the Prime Minister for reassurance.

  Arthur could read it in their eyes. He had no intention of handing out placebos. The cabinet had a vital job to do; it was important that no one underestimated the gravity of the situation. ‘All we know at this moment,’ said Arthur, ‘is what the Angels of Mercy tell us, and that may or may not be true. If the devices are planted in London, they could be very difficult to locate. It’s a huge area to search. We shall have a better idea in a day or so.’

  ‘Let’s get to it,’ said George Bedivere who could not wait to do something, anything, just as long as they didn’t have to sit around talking any longer. ‘We only have four days.’

  ‘And if we don’t find them?’ asked Thomas Winnington. It was the doomsday prognosis. ‘What happens if the devices are detonated? How many casualties? How much damage?’

  Arthur nodded at the Defence Secretary. ‘George?’ ‘Obviously any assessment depends on the number of

  devices, how powerful they are, and where they are planted. Right now, we don’t have the answers to those questions, so we can only make assumptions.’ Encased in a black leather glove George Bedivere’s right hand was tempered steel. He thumped it on the table, and a large map of central London appeared on a wall screen. ‘OK . . . first let’s talk about the explosive effect of the nuclear devices, and let’s assume they are all somewhere in the city centre. If that’s the case, I’m afraid we can expect a very significant number of casualties and huge destruction of property and amenities.’ With his left hand he tapped the keyboard in front of him. ‘Note the circles on the map. The smallest circle indicates the area of more or less total destruction – radius, one to two thousand yards. Could be somewhat greater. The next circle extends the area by a further two to four thousand yards – that’s the area of medium destruction. Some buildings may survive relatively unscathed but not many. Most will be significantly damaged. The third circle shows the area of lesser damage – another five thousand yards or so.’

  He looked up and down the big table, anticipating questions, but there were none. No one moved or made a sound. The atmosphere was tense. ‘Apart from the destruction of property,’ he went on, ‘which would of course be instantaneous, huge areas of London would be seriously contaminated by radiation – buildings, transport systems, water, food, schools, hospitals, the River Thames, canals and so on – the list is endless.’

  ‘How long would that take to clean up?’ Thomas Winnington asked.

  Jean Morton, the Health Minister, responded. ‘The contamination could last for years. It doesn’t bear thinking about. We believe our medical and civil defence services are well prepared, but if contamination were widespread, they would have difficulty coping with the sheer scale of it. There are adequate stocks of anti-radiation pills but the problem will be distributing them.’

  If the devices really existed, and if they were detonated, London would be devastated. The enormity of the threat that confronted them was beginning to sink in. It would take years to recover. The only hope was to find and neutralise all the devices, and that, in the short time available, and despite the sophisticated detection equipment at the disposal of the armed forces, would be a huge challenge.

  ‘Now we come to casualties,’ said George Bedivere. ‘I left that till last because obviously the estimate depends largely on the success of our evacuation plans. I have to tell you, though, that there could be as many as a hundred thousand immediate deaths, and perhaps a million serious injuries from the blast, burns and so on.’

  ‘And I suppose,’ said Thomas Winnington, ‘the story would be much the same in all the other targeted cities?’

  ‘More or less,’ Bedivere confirmed, ‘except that in Beijing and Tokyo where the population concentration is much greater, I would expect the number of casualties to be correspondingly higher.’

  John Aitkinson, Home Secretary, shifted in his chair and suggested hopefully, ‘Surely that’s a worst case scenario?’

  George Bedivere shook his head firmly. ‘It’s a realistic one. What’s more, it doesn’t take into account the biological threat which is hard to assess in terms of casualties. No, ladies and gentlemen, I’m afraid what we are facing is not just a catastrophe in the making for this generation, it could well affect generations to come.’ He spoke gravely and with emphasis. ‘I am talking about the possibility of many deaths, horrible, lingering deaths, a plague of diseases associated with nuclear and biological contamination affecting all sections of the population, including millions still unborn.’

  No one spoke. In the silence every member of the cabinet was looking at Arthur. He spoke quietly, directing his eyes at each member of the cabinet in turn, emphasising their personal involvement. ‘Since the beginning of this century we have witnessed many terrorist acts. But nothing to compare with this. Each of you has a vital role to play. We have less than four days – ninety-three hours, to be precise – to find a solution. If we remain calm and focused we shall succeed.’

  George Bedivere nodded his agreement. ‘The cabinet is a hundred percent behind you, sir.’

  There were emphatic nods and murmurs of agreement.

  Arthur spoke crisply and decisively. ‘There will be another meeting of the cabinet at three this afternoon. George, I shall want a report on military options. Jean, you will report on measures taken by civil defence, fire and ambulance services, hospitals and other emergency medical services. John, you will update us on the latest intelligence from MI5 and MI6. We need any information we can get, and we need it now – any possible leads on the location of the devices, or on the Angels of Mercy. You and George will also co-ordinate the activities of the Metropolitan police and the Chiefs of Staff. I also want an immediate twenty-four hour link set up with Interpol and with the police and intelligence and security services of the seven other countries involved.’

  The Chancellor spoke hesitantly. ‘I hate to mention it, sir, but do you want me to prepare a report on the availability of funds, should it become necessary?’ His voice caught in his throat. ‘Should all else fail?’

  Arthur’s response was uncompromising. ‘Surrender is not an option. There is no question of giving in to extortion and blackmail. It would be a disaster for the world if we did. What we need is to establish a link with the Angels of Mercy, and to gain time by
talking to them, time to trace the devices and time to track down the terrorists and deal with them.’

  George Bedivere nodded. He was in full agreement with Arthur. Nevertheless, he prided himself on being a realist. ‘What if they refuse to talk?’

  ‘I am not interested in what-ifs,’ said Arthur curtly. ‘You all know what has to be done. Let’s do it.’

  Now that they had an action plan, the atmosphere in the cabinet room was considerably less despondent. The Prime Minister may not have offered any easy solutions, but he had at least shown decisiveness. ‘A few final words, ladies and gentlemen,’ said Arthur. ‘As you know, we have declared a state of emergency under the Emergency Powers Act. This allows us to call in the armed forces, not only to maintain essential services, but also, should it become necessary, to requisition property. Fifteen minutes from now I shall be speaking to the nation, and after that to the House. The evacuation of London will begin shortly. It will be a daunting task. If we include those who travel into town to work or shop, we are talking about ten to twelve million people. We need to act fast, but remember, whatever we do we must avoid panicking the population. The Secretary of State for Transport is working urgently on the logistics. That’s why he isn’t here now.’

  Immediately after the cabinet meeting broke up, Arthur was onscreen with Winslow Marsden, the US President. ‘With the greatest respect to your illustrious twentieth century predecessor,’ said the President grimly, ‘there are times when ‘war war’ is better than ‘jaw jaw’. This is one of them.’

  ‘I don’t disagree with you,’ said Arthur, ‘but it is essential that any action we take be co-ordinated with all eight countries.’

  The caution did nothing to improve the President’s mood. ‘See here, Arthur, when it comes to action, we’ll do what we need to do. We are still the most powerful nation on this planet.’

  ‘Power alone will not locate the devices,’ warned Arthur, ‘nor will it track down the terrorists.’

  ‘Don’t you believe it. We have eyes in the sky that can read the print on a can of beans,’ the President boasted. ‘We have ears on the ground that can pick up a grasshopper’s cough. Not a mouse craps on this planet without our knowing it.’

  There was no point in taking issue with Marsden, especially when the issue was theoretical. ‘Let’s concentrate on identifying and locating the Angels of Mercy,’ said Arthur.

  ‘Iran is behind this. Or the K.O.E.. Or both.’ ‘Probably. But where’s the evidence?’

  The blood rose swiftly to the President’s face. ‘Evidence! Who gives a fuck about evidence! This is war, man, not a trial in some goddam court of law! I’ll show the mother fuckers they can’t mess with the USA. We’ve taken all we intend to take from these bastards. If it comes right down to it I won’t hesitate to nuke them. And I won’t be asking the UN’s permission either.’ But without a target to strike, there was little the United States or anyone else could do. Unleashing nuclear missiles would result in millions of innocent deaths, and would almost certainly plunge the world into nuclear war. Every developed country now had a substantial stockpile of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. A few so-called ‘rogue’ states were also known to possess some nuclear capability. Nuking was not a realistic option for dealing with terrorists, and Winslow Marsden knew that as well as Arthur. But then what were their options?

  Minutes later Arthur was on TV addressing the nation. Immediately after the broadcast he was driven to the House of Commons where he made a further statement. He took pains to reassure the House and the country, sounding confident that the devices would be located and neutralised. However, as a sensible precaution, and to ensure that the army, the police, firemen, ambulances and other vital services had complete freedom of movement, he urged everyone who lived or worked in London to leave the city as soon as possible.

  There was ample time, he said, for a total evacuation, and no need to panic. Public transport was being geared up to cope with the increased flow of people, and temporary accommodation erected on the outskirts of the city for those who had nowhere else to go. No private cars were to be used for the evacuation. It was essential that roads were kept open, more especially the main arteries in and out of London, so that key transport and other vital services were able to do their job efficiently.

  As the Prime Minister began his speech the House was packed. By the time he sat down, a mere handful of MP’s remained. Arthur could not help wondering where they had all gone. If even MP’s were starting to panic, how would the general public react to the crisis?

  By Friday afternoon the evacuation of London was under way, and with some isolated exceptions the population remained calm. It was clear, however, that the transport system would have difficulty coping with the huge numbers already thronging the streets. Crowds had gathered at bus stops and underground stations across the city. Though they were orderly enough, it was soon impossible to tell where one queue began and the next ended.

  By nine a.m. Saturday morning, a million people had left London. It was good but not good enough. There were three days to go, a mere seventy-two hours. The evacuation would have to be speeded up, or millions would be stranded in the city when the deadline expired on Saturday morning.

  In Beijing and Tokyo, Paris, Berlin and Brussels, the scene was much the same as in London. Tension was building but no serious incidents had so far been reported. In Moscow and Washington sporadic fighting and some rioting and looting had already broken out. People were beginning to ignore the regular broadcasts appealing for a calm and orderly response to the crisis.

  By mid-afternoon the situation had deteriorated further. Outbreaks of violence were no longer confined to Washington and Moscow. From Berlin and Paris, Beijing, Tokyo and Brussels, the news was grim. Street fighting had broken out, resulting in deaths and widespread vandalism – the overturning and burning of buses, cars and trucks, and widespread looting of shops, stores and private houses. People fought to hire taxis at usurious rates, or attempted, despite warnings, to escape in their own cars; but scarcely any made it, the majority being dragged from their vehicles and attacked by angry mobs desperate to escape the city.

  It was feared that if the devices were not found soon, mobs would take over the streets. The threat posed by panic and chaos was now as great as that posed by the devices themselves. Positive news was desperately needed.

  Winslow Marsden appeared on television to tell the people of the United States and the whole world what he thought they needed to hear. The Administration, he said, had information that would shortly lead to the arrest of the terrorists and the destruction of the devices. It was not so much an exaggeration as a blatant lie, for neither the whereabouts of the terrorists nor that of the devices was known, and no one had even succeeded in establishing contact with The Angels of Mercy. Yet for the moment the lie was believed and the President’s words, relayed across the globe, offered the reassurance people were looking for.

  At five p.m. Washington time, ten p.m. London time, the eight nations held an onscreen conference linking Zhongnanhai in Beijing, the Prime Minister’s residence in Tokyo, the Federal Chancellery in Berlin, the Kremlin in Moscow, the Elysée in Paris, the offices of the European Commission in Brussels, the White House in Washington and 10 Downing Street in London. The world leaders, together with their aides, were projected in 3D on wrap-around screens, creating the illusion that they were sitting together in one conference room.

  Winslow Marsden now seemed more relaxed. ‘The CIA is convinced it’s a bluff, a clumsy attempt at blackmail.’

  ‘Is it then so clumsy?’ enquired the German Chancellor. ‘They have us running round like – wie heiss das auf Englisch?

  – ya, hot cats.’

  ‘We’ll be making a big mistake if we let them call the shots,’ said the US President. ‘Look at their ultimatum. Who could take it seriously? A hundred and twenty-five billion dollars! What am I saying? A thousand billion dollars! A trillion dollars! They know we could never hand
over that kind of money.’

  The German Chancellor coughed. ‘This depends on how they think we value a human life.’

  ‘Or a thousand lives,’ said the French President.

  ‘Or a million,’ said the President of the European Commission glumly.

  ‘There are no devices,’ said Winslow Marsden scornfully. ‘It’s all bullshit. I refuse to authorise one cent of taxpayers’ money, and I’m not letting any of those murdering bastards out of jail. Even if I wanted to, I don’t have the authority. Congress would never allow it. And what about their other demands? We have to admit we are murderers and face prosecution! How about that! Can you see the President of the United States of America standing trial in some goddamn kangaroo court!’

  A shadow of a smile crossed the face of the Russian President. ‘Maybe is not such bad idea.’

  ‘Now see here . . . ’ The US President bit his tongue. ‘Very amusing,’ he conceded.

  ‘Is not joke,’ said the Russian President.

  The President of China contributed a subtle offering. ‘This is the day of the fox, not the bull.’ After some puzzled looks, this apparently obscure observation was tacitly interpreted as a word of caution.

  ‘France will act to protect its own interests,’ said the French President. ‘In case of need, we shall be ready to discuss terms.’ ‘That,’ said the US President sardonically, ‘comes as no surprise to anyone.’

  A Gallic shrug and a ‘pouff’ of disdain was the only reaction.

  ‘I beg you,’ said Arthur, ‘let us concentrate on finding common ground. I see this crisis as an acid test of the courage and resolve of the free world. We have to demonstrate that we can speak with one voice and act together firmly and decisively. If we fight amongst ourselves, we are lost. Our greatest strength is our unity. They will try to divide us in order to weaken us. We must not let that happen.’

  The US President was in favour of calling the evacuations off and telling everyone to go home. ‘If we don’t, we’ll have a bloodbath on the streets of our cities.’ The Prime Minister of Japan considered that far too risky. The President of the European Commission thought it irresponsible. The Russian President favoured sending troops to the Kingdom of the Euphrates who his intelligence services were convinced had engineered the crisis. The President of China was against using force under any circumstances. The French President refused to commit himself to joint action. The German President suggested offering the terrorists a smaller ransom. Arthur watched and listened, frustration welling up in him like a physical pain.