A Spy at the Heart of the Third Reich: The Extraordinary Story of Fritz Kolbe, America's Most Important Spy in World War II

by Delattre, Lucas

  Sauerbruch had never taken care of Hitler, but the dying Marshal Hindenburg had called on him for his prostate, Goebbels for his appendicitis, and Robert Ley—head of the “Labor Front,” which replaced the dissolved unions—his hemorrhoids. Sauerbruch had contacts high up in the Reich chancellery. One of the doctors closest to the führer, SS-Obersturmbannführer Karl Brandt (in charge of the euthanasia program for the mentally handicapped), was one of his former pupils. In charge of medical matters for the principal scientific institutions of the Reich, Professor Sauerbruch supported some of the worst medical experiments carried out in the concentration camps.

  The Nazis needed to keep on their side major intellectual and artistic talents like Ferdinand Sauerbruch. Not affiliated with the Nazi Party, the surgeon was an emblem of respectability for the regime, which granted him great freedom of speech and action. He was a member of the prestigious “Wednesday Club,” an independent intellectual group that continued to hold regular meetings despite the war. It was one of the few forums for discussion where one could still escape from the surveillance of the Gestapo. They didn’t engage in politics at the Wednesday Club, although they did not avoid various subjects related to the present time. Among the figures who were members of the club were both the biologist Eugen Fischer, one of the major theorists of eugenics, and General Ludwig Beck, former army chief of staff, who had resigned in August 1938 to protest against Hitler’s planned invasion of Czechoslovakia.

  Fritz Kolbe did not yet know, when he met Sauerbruch for the first time, how useful he would find the Charité hospital and the protected status of the surgeon.

  4

  IN THE WOLF’S LAIR

  Between Berlin and East Prussia, September 18, 1941

  In the train taking him to Hitler’s headquarters in East Prussia, Fritz Kolbe read the newspapers and glanced through a few dispatches that he had to hand over the next day to the führer’s diplomatic staff. Since his departure from the Berlin-Grunewald station, he had been alone in his compartment. The car was reserved for officers and government officials headed for the front or on missions to the reserve lines. Since the beginning of the Russian campaign in June 1941, the führer’s headquarters had been in the “wolf’s lair” (Wolfsschanze) at the eastern edge of the country. Fritz was carrying a large quantity of documents, most of which were classified “secret Reich business” (geheime Reichssachen, the highest level of confidentiality for the Nazis). Under no circumstances was he to be separated from the briefcase containing them. The documents were intended for his superior, Ambassador Karl Ritter, one of the highest officials in the Foreign Ministry, who was in consultation with military headquarters.

  Born in Bavaria and trained as a lawyer, Karl Ritter had been the undisputed specialist for economic questions in the Foreign Ministry since the 1930s. Since the beginning of the war he had headed a key department in the ministry, political-military affairs (Pol I M). He had a typical title for the time: he was an “ambassador on special mission,” which meant that he was there to bypass on an ad hoc basis the traditional decision-making networks of the ministry. Although he was a career diplomat, he enjoyed Ribbentrop’s complete confidence. Ritter dealt in particular with the “economic aspects of the war,” as well as high-level relations between the Foreign Ministry and the Wehrmacht. Since the beginning of the war he was almost always away from the ministry. This skilled professional negotiator was known for his unscrupulous intelligence, cold cynicism, and strength of character, all qualities that made him able to impose himself on Wehrmacht generals, even though he himself had no military experience.

  A party member since 1938, but never having been in the SS (nor in the SA, like Luther), Ritter had no illusions about the criminal character of the regime. He had nevertheless chosen to serve the Nazis out of professional conscience, with an attitude of indifference. “Here, at least, you travel,” he said one day in Fritz Kolbe’s presence. He held Ribbentrop in contempt, although he never showed it openly (on the contrary, he behaved toward him with almost obsequious deference, which caused extreme annoyance to his subordinate Fritz Kolbe). Appointed ambassador to Rio de Janeiro in 1937, he had been expelled in 1938 by the dictator Getulio Vargas, who considered him a dangerous pro-Nazi agitator.

  On his return from Rio, Ritter had wanted to resign on the grounds of age—he was slightly under sixty—but Ribbentrop, who needed his talents, had insisted that he remain in the service. Karl Ritter had finally agreed because he had been offered a key post endowed with broad responsibilities. From that moment, he had been at the heart of his country’s principal diplomatic negotiations, like the Munich agreements of September 1938, but above all the Nazi-Soviet pact in August 1939. This agreement between Hitler and Stalin, which was unexpected, to say the least, had in part been drafted by him, in close cooperation with Friedrich-Wilhelm Gaus, the ministry’s chief lawyer and another Weimar man who had learned to adapt to circumstances.

  Like Gaus, Ritter had complete command of the science of treaties. He knew Russia well from his experience supervising major German industrial programs there in the 1920s (following the 1922 Rapallo agreements). In order to follow through on the Hitler-Stalin pact, and in particular to monitor the exchange of raw materials and armaments between the two countries, he had even lived in Moscow between October 1939 and March 1940. When he spoke of Stalin, with whom he had been in close contact on several occasions in connection with that mission, Karl Ritter did not conceal his very great admiration for the man.

  Fritz Kolbe had been Karl Ritter’s personal assistant since late 1940 or early 1941. This promotion had been due to the intervention of Rudolf Leitner, the former head of the German legation in Pretoria, who had been a member of Karl Ritter’s cabinet since his return from South Africa. Rudolf Leitner had never let Fritz drop, and Fritz was deeply grateful to him for making it possible for him to leave the “German” department and its stifling atmosphere. But now, he found himself assistant to the chief of political-military affairs in the midst of the war! “It’s really farcical,” Fritz had been telling himself since he assumed his new duties. “I hate the Nazis and I can’t manage to get out of the highest circles of power!”

  The work for Karl Ritter was interesting. Instead of stamping passports and visas, every morning Fritz Kolbe received dispatches from German diplomatic posts abroad, sorted them according to their importance, and summarized them for his boss. Kolbe was to destroy the documents already read by Ritter. Summaries of conversations between high officials of the ministry with foreign diplomats posted to Berlin also came across his desk. Finally, Fritz received and read the foreign press (with a few days’ delay, because the English and American press, for example, came through Lisbon) and summarized its content for Ritter. “In a short time, I became one of the best informed officials in the ministry,” Fritz wrote a few years later. By early 1941, Fritz was one of the first to know of the secret preparations for the Russian campaign: Karl Ritter’s role was specifically to prepare the movement of German troops toward Russia through its allied countries in central Europe (Finland, Hungary, Romania).

  In personal terms, Fritz had no complaints: Karl Ritter was not very likable, but he was fair to his subordinates. And he was a man of the world, not at all like the coarse Luther with his brutal manners. Ritter had always been at the heart of German social life and besides, he clearly had panache, with his twinkling eye, his careful language, and his elegant hands (Luther had often had dirty fingernails). Ritter spoke most European languages, he knew most of the big industrialists in the country, he frequented art openings, he went to the opera.

  The relationship between Ritter and Fritz Kolbe was essentially professional, and since both men were workhorses, they got on fairly well together. Both were short, a detail not without importance. On a few occasions, their conversation took a personal turn. When Kolbe had joined Karl Ritter’s staff, Ritter had let him know that he knew of his reputation as a “hothead.” He tried to reassure Fritz by telling
him that here, what counted was above all competency and work done well. To set him at ease, he said that the Nazis didn’t like him either. “You know I have a reputation as a democrat in this house. The authorities know that I drafted almost all the commercial treaties of the Weimar period. I spent all my time in the Reichstag. Since my drafts were passed by the SPD or the Zentrum, that was enough to sabotage my reputation in some eyes.”

  A little later, Ritter had questioned Fritz Kolbe briefly about his experience in South Africa. “I too know Africa well,” he had said. “Some of my studies were at the Colonial Institute in Hamburg, where I learned many fascinating things: tropical hygiene, applied botany, colonial law, and even Swahili. Just before the Great War, I was appointed to a position in the imperial government in Cameroon. The war put an end to that adventure, and I had to return to Berlin.”

  When Karl Ritter had learned where Fritz’s family came from, he had spoken to him spontaneously of the Pomeranians of Brazil, entire families of whom had gone into exile there to escape famine and poverty. Though Brazil might seem unlikely, in fact there were already German colonies in the south of the country, established early in the nineteenth century.

  Fritz Kolbe recalled these scraps of conversation as he headed for the führer’s headquarters on the night of September 18, 1941. This mission was something new for him. Ritter wanted his mail to be delivered personally. The ambassador had lost confidence in the diplomatic mail services. At the end of August 1941, he had complained about the careless way in which confidential documents were sent to him. “My mail was found in the headquarters kitchen, another time at the telephone switchboard!” he had informed his Berlin office. As a result, he wanted his subordinates to be their own telegraph operators.

  Fritz was not overjoyed with this trip. Of course, it gave him an opportunity to leave Berlin, but he had no desire to get closer to Hitler, Ribbentrop, and the top generals of the Wehrmacht. He had been dreaming of exile for months now, but not to the East. He pined for Spain and South Africa (sometimes he thought of Switzerland, which had the virtue of being a neutral country and seemed to have been spared by events). From time to time, he looked out the window of his compartment. The German-Polish plain with its endless birch forests exuded melancholy, despite a splendid sunset shining through the woods. Autumn and the climate of war enveloped the landscape in matchless sadness.

  Having nothing else to do, Fritz plunged into reading the newspapers. The press was entirely subject to party propaganda, but the most important facts could be found in it: “The wearing of a yellow star is obligatory for Jews beginning this month of September 1941.” News from the front was more difficult to decipher. The triumphant communiqués of the army high command (the OKW, or Oberkommando der Wehrmacht) hardly made it possible to get a precise idea of the real situation. “Siege of Leningrad, imminent fall of Kiev”: that was about all that could be learned from the day’s papers. There was no need to try to find out more, the rest was merely a long lyrical and indigestible outpouring on the theme of the “heroic action of the soldiers of the Wehrmacht” or on the battle of Kiev, “the greatest of all time.”

  Everyone knew in the fall of 1941 that there could no longer be any question of a quick end to the war. Fritz recalled the rumors heard in Berlin: there were more and more frequent whispers that Hitler had had terrible outbursts of fury. The führer was said to have an increasingly pronounced tendency to lose his composure in the face of the enemy. He had been heard to howl with anger when Rudolf Hess went to England in May 1941, and when Churchill and Roosevelt offered assistance to Stalin in mid-August 1941, making possible for the first time a coordinated war on two fronts. According to an unverifiable rumor, sometimes Hitler would bite anything at hand: his handkerchief, a cushion, and even the curtains!

  In the train taking Fritz to the “wolf’s lair,” the night was very dark: it was traveling through what used to be the Danzig corridor with all lights out, for fear of bombardment or sabotage by the Polish resistance. At break of day, following the instructions he had received, he put on the uniform that he would have to wear at the führer’s headquarters, a feldgrau-colored uniform provided by the ministry. He had difficulty recognizing himself in the mirror. He hesitated particularly before putting on the headgear: a peaked cap with a double strand of aluminum above the visor and a badge representing an eagle holding a swastika in its claws.

  Fritz arrived in the early morning at Gerdauen, a little town that looked like a border post, sixty kilometers southeast of Königsberg. A Foreign Ministry car was waiting to take him directly to Karl Ritter. They went through the countryside of Masuria and the forest of Rastenburg (still more birch woods), with silvered lakes and magnificent glades, but also marshes and peat bogs. “The region is infested with mosquitoes,” warned the driver, advising Fritz to cover his hands and neck with Dr. Zinsser’s lotion, made in Leipzig, “excellent as a preventive measure.”

  After the little town of Angerburg, they plunged again into the forest. There was no way of telling where they were, no indication of the “Führerhauptquartier.” If the road signs were to be believed, the car was headed toward an enigmatic factory supposedly belonging to a celebrated precision instrument maker (Askania Werke). “Askania? That’s all nonsense. That lets them conceal the real nature of the place,” the driver told Fritz in answer to his question about the meaning of these strange signs.

  After half an hour had passed, and they had gone through several guard posts at the entry of various “forbidden zones” protected by high fences, barbed wire, and patrols, they could see the first wooden huts and half-buried bunkers. They finally arrived at a clearing where three trains were standing. They could not be seen from a distance because they were thoroughly camouflaged, like the railroad track, with nets covered in fake foliage. And yet they occupied a space as large as a marshaling yard. One of the three trains held the “field offices” of the foreign minister. Next to Ribbentrop’s was Göring’s—the most beautiful of all, a veritable palace on wheels—and finally Heinrich Himmler’s. This had been the first “railroad headquarters” to see the light, and since then all the high officials of the regime had wanted to have, like the Reichsführer SS, their private train (Sonderzug) close to the front. The three trains were equipped with everything necessary: private salons, radio room, dining car, toilets, and showers (and even a screening room in Himmler’s train). At the ends of the cars were antiaircraft batteries in case of enemy attack.

  It was after ten in the morning and the heat was stifling, even in the shade. A smell of tar drifted through the air. Fritz was brought to one of the cars of Ribbentrop’s train, where he was asked to wait for a few minutes. Karl Ritter was not yet there. While waiting for his boss in a little compartment that resembled an antechamber, Fritz glanced outside. There were patrols with dogs. Fritz also noticed a small group of officers having a conversation, each with mosquito netting around his head. Fritz held back his laughter.

  Soon, an armored car arrived, stirring up the dust. This was Karl Ritter’s car. At Ritter’s right, Fritz thought he recognized Walther Hewel, a close confidant of the führer. Hewel, a Nazi stalwart from the early days, ensured constant contact between Ribbentrop and Hitler. There were also a stenographer and a few officers of the high command of the Wehrmacht whom Fritz did not know. Everyone was in uniform. Karl Ritter looked even smaller than usual when he was seen next to Walther Hewel, a strong man with a powerful presence. Hewel did not at all correspond to the clichéd image of the Aryan man (he was dark-haired), which had not prevented him from becoming an SS-Brigadeführer, the equivalent of a brigadier general in the elite order of the Nazi regime.

  Karl Ritter looked irritated when he came into the train car, soon followed by his colleagues, and sat at a table covered with campaign maps. He had not seen Fritz, who was hidden by a door ajar at the other end of the compartment and who was waiting to be called before showing himself. “Where can the minister be?” Ritter asked in an exasperated ton
e. “We had an appointment for ten o’clock!” “Mister Ambassador,” said Walter Hewel, “the minister usually gets up late, you know that very well. Right now, he is probably being taken care of by his personal barber in his private apartment,” he added, with a little ironic smile. Like many others, Walther Hewel detested Ribbentrop. He made no attempt to disguise his disregard for him, since Hewel was one of the few historic companions in arms of Adolf Hitler, and had personally participated at his side in the failed 1923 Munich putsch.

  While waiting for Ribbentrop’s arrival, Karl Ritter questioned Walther Hewel about the evenings with Hitler in “forbidden zone number one,” a few kilometers from there. “It’s cold,” replied Hewel, “the führer never heats the rooms where he is. No one dares to speak for fear of being ridiculous. When he invites us into his ‘tea house’ after dinner, he spends the entire evening carrying on long monologues while drinking a brew made of fennel. He is attentive only to his dog Blondi. Sometimes he doesn’t seem to realize that there are ten people around him thinking only of going to bed. Last night he spoke for more than an hour about vegetarian cooking and the nausea meat makes him feel. He detests the idea that animals are killed so they can be eaten!” Karl Ritter displayed a sneering attitude and asked if it was allowed “at least to play bridge” (one of his favorite pastimes) at the führer’s evenings.

  In Adolf Hitler’s circle, neither bridge nor any other game was played. The führer preferred long discussions in front of a skimpy fire. Walther Hewel described how, the night before, the führer had spoken at length of his plans for Russia, and that he had seemed very optimistic about the conquest of Moscow, “which shouldn’t take long to fall after Kiev.” He explained to his audience that once Moscow and Leningrad had been captured they should simply be wiped off the map. Russia would be a vast agricultural province and a source of raw materials from which Germany would take everything it needed. “When we have conquered the territory,” Hewel went on, “the führer thinks that it will not take much effort to control it. A bit like the British in India: an administration of 250,000 men should suffice, and a few divisions to put down possible rebellions.” The Russian, Hewel asserted, had a slave mentality: “The Russian, at bottom, is a kind of rabbit,” he said. “He doesn’t have the ability to transform himself into a ‘bee’ or an ‘ant,’ as we Germans can. There is no point in trying to make the Russian more intelligent than he is.” The Russia of tomorrow, Hewel continued, would look like something new: “German towns, and all around them countryside where Russian peasants will work. A little further on, there will be large territories for our army training.” There was a proposal to settle on the borders of this “oriental empire” peoples close to the Germans by blood, such as the Norwegians, Danes, and Swedes, who would protect Germany from the “Asiatic hordes.” The führer thought that in the future Europe would be entirely united against America. “Even the English will be with us once we have conquered the Russian landmass and all its natural resources!”