With an understanding of the above, a divide between samurai and jizamurai can be explained. There is a basic rule of thumb—which is not true for every case, but which is a simplified overview. It is that in the first half of the epoch of the samurai, most samurai were landed gentry. Landed gentry were those men of good birth or standing—normally with a military background or a family history of military service. They were men who owned land and farms. They were considered a part of elite society. For a Westerner, consider the upper-class gentleman in his family manor house. With generations of antiques and family heirlooms, he looks out over his tracts of land. This was the primary situation for many, if not most, samurai in the first half of their age. However as history marched on, warlords controlled larger and larger areas of land. Their central powerbases became small cities. Samurai were encouraged to move from the land they oversaw, into towns and cities developed near their lords. This influx of samurai to towns and wards generated a new term, the jizamurai. The word jizamurai is made up of two ideograms, “ji” 地 (land/ground) and “samurai” 侍 and is translated as “samurai of the land” or “landed gentry.” This term referred to those of the military class who owned land, lived on it, and controlled the farmers below them. As with all cultures, the town samurai perceived themselves as more cultured. They saw themselves as more refined than their samurai counterparts who are “up in them there hills.” However, they are seen as equal in class and are without doubt samurai. When war beckoned, the town samurai rode out of the samurai district with banners in the sun. Drums and horns sounded in the countryside as the jizamurai rode out to war.
However, the story of the jizamurai takes on a sour twist. The land of the samurai was once a collection of fortified manor houses, mountain castles, and fortifications. These were spread across all the independent states. However, as the Sengoku Period progressed, more and more sections of this land came under a new ruler. The new conquering warlords changed the map of Japan to a land being predominantly ruled by a few powerful samurai. This had only one result. The jizamurai of each area were either defeated, their homes and lands taken from them, or they were absorbed into the armies. A new breed of war, on a national scale, spilled over the land. At the end of the Sengoku Period, when the Tokugawa family took control, almost all samurai were forced to leave their homes. They had to move to estates in the towns and cities nearer their lords. The mountain forts and castles were destroyed. The flatland castle was made a major center of all cities under the control of the defeated warlords—with the Tokugawa family sitting firmly at the top. This means that samurai left their natural habitat of independent lands and farming estates, and were now paid directly by the lord. They lived in luxury mansions in samurai districts next to flatland castles—the age of the country samurai manor came to an end.
The result of this depends on each individual case, but all of which fall into two main categories. Either the jizamurai became normal town samurai, or they were defeated. Their land was taken from them—dropping them outside of the samurai class system. However, as they are ex-samurai, their social position cannot be denied. They couldn’t fit directly into the new samurai class. Therefore the term jizamurai took on a new meaning, it became “half-samurai.” These ex-samurai became local leaders or took up other positions, with one foot in samurai life and the other foot in peasant life. It must be reinforced that most documentation from Japan is from the “age of peace.” Therefore, the term jizamurai is sometimes used with derogatory overtones, meaning those who are no longer samurai—below the social status that their families once held. Most readers of Japanese history now consider the jizamurai to be the poor half-peasant with a sunburnt face; digging in the sunshine with the other toothless peasants. The image of the jizamurai being outside of the samurai class has set in. This is most problematic when we move to shinobi history.
The warriors of Iga and Koka can be described as jizamurai. This means that the above problem affects the story of the shinobi. The families of Iga and Koka (lands famous for shinobi) were considered jizamurai—landed gentry—before the invasions, and takeover, of Lord Nobunaga in the 1580s. These jizamurai families of Iga and Koka actually had no overlord and were independent. After the fall of Iga in the 1580s, with the surrender of Koka, these landed samurai fell from true jizamurai. They then came under the new definition of jizamurai—“half peasant half samurai;” or even straight peasants. However, this idea of the peasant in the field is simply not accurate. For example, the Yamanaka family of Koka were ex-samurai who were shinobi-trained. As a family, they owned land that was approximately one hundred meters square and had what we would consider a mansion complex and servants—not quite the financially struggling hovel-dweller that you would expect. However, there is without a doubt a financial shortfall. This is an inability to fund a military family or run a military clan, which train and retain full time warriors—who also practice the arts of the shinobi. This type of funding was not within the scope of the new jizamurai. Many attempts were made by the people of Koka to regain status and official employment. They wished to continue their military ways.
A simple way to remember this is that—from a broad perspective—the number of independent land-owning clans is greater at the start of samurai history and becomes fewer as time goes by. At the same time, the number of town samurai is lower at the start of samurai history but greatly increases as Japan is unified. The tipping of the balance resulted in jizamurai being displaced and pushed just outside of the samurai class. Remember, in early times most samurai were from small collections of families who owned areas of land. Later on most of these families moved to towns and cities to serve the new super-lords—like the Tokugawa family.
The Daimyo Warlords
Moving away from the general population of the samurai class, we will focus on the lords and warlords. All samurai were not created equal. Some samurai could have more interaction with the peasants that he ruled than with the lord he served. Therefore the samurai class should be seen as an existing on a spectrum. The lowest are the poorer members of the samurai, barely affording to hold onto their military status. All the way to the shogun, who ruled the nation and was in essence an extremely rich king.
The Japanese term given to the lord of a province is daimyo which literally means “big name” 大名. The daimyo was comparable to a European baron, the lord-commander of the knights, the ruler of a domain. He was the final word in law and decision-making. While the country was at war the power of the daimyo amplified. He originally was second to no man, a lord in his own province, and wielder of total power. Many daimyo would enter into agreements and treaties, and marry into each other’s families. They set up a system of hostages and loyalty. During Japan’s history, the country has been unified a number of times under the emperor or the shogun. Which means that, at these times, the daimyo became second in command. His land was subject to the law of the shogun. However, when the country moved to war again, they generally formed independent coalitions—a country divided, where no one ruled above them.
The daimyo families can be loosely divided into three types according to the period.
1. Shugo (created pre-Sengoku Period by imperial decree)
2. Non-shugo (mainly rose to power in the Sengoku Period—known as Sengoku diamyo)
3. Kinsei (early modern, i.e., Edo Period).
A shugo family is a daimyo family that has been given official power—normally by imperial decree—and has authority to rule over the population. While the non-shugo families served in support, in the turmoil of war some non-shugo families formed uprisings against the higher clans and overthrew some of them. They became the most powerful families; especially in the Sengoku Period. The land became a mixture of ruling shugo and non-shugo families. The implications of this are that there was an undercurrent of thought on who had “the right to rule” and those who claimed “a right to rule through force.” One reason for this reversal of power came from the way that non-shugo families were
powerful families who usually resided in an area that was directly engaged in farm management. These clans were actually controlling and producing crops and food—the lifeblood of medieval Japan. The shugo families tended to be detached from direct interaction with these jizamurai families and used the non-shugo families as middlemen. When the wars came, the non-shugo families seized elements of power and the structure of Japan changed. The term used for this is gekokujo and means “those from below who take control and power.” The term is still used in modern Japan.
One great example of this uprising and shift in power is the Tokugawa family, the family that took control of all of Japan. It is surprising to some to discover that the Tokugawa family were born from the Matsudaira family. Their lineage had to be adjusted to endorse their hold on Japan. This was because the Tokugawa family did not have the correct pedigree to have the right to rule—i.e., “proper samurai” should be linked to the Heike or Genji clans. They were not. Of course they had defeated all of Japan and unified the land, so there was nothing that could be done to challenge their unrivaled power. So instead, facts were changed to “allow” them to rule.
The image you should be developing is that of the samurai as a very stratified group. Even within their own ranks, there are pedigrees, hierarchies, and factors that need to be taken into account. A samurai could be at the bottom of the samurai ladder while a supreme ruler or lord of power sat at the top. However, that ladder could be climbed and people could fall off—some climbed from the bottom to the top. Some fell from great heights back to the ground—this is the reason that most wars were started. That is to say, most wars were started by clans that wanted to displace those in power.
Were the samurai aristocrats? I have tried to avoid using the words “aristocrat,” “noble,” and “blue-blooded.” To term the samurai as aristocratic is difficult but not incorrect. Yet, on the other hand, this term is not wholly inaccurate. This is because the line between aristocrat and non-aristocrat is a difficult one to draw. In Europe the line is drawn at the level of a knight. The knight is sometimes considered an aristocrat, yet at other times and in different countries, they are not. Their position is just outside aristocratic, or at least straddling the line in between. This is similar for Japan. The true aristocrats of Japan have a connection to the imperial line and are offspring branches of royalty. Some samurai were not from that world, but they once served the aristocratic families. In the end though, the samurai formed an uprising; taking control of the country from these noble families. Thus, they slotted themselves into the position of “nobles.” The complex connotations and difficulty in explaining the individual uses of these terms creates difficulty with using the word, “aristocrat.” We should try to avoid calling samurai “aristocratic” or “noble,” unless they are from a family of correct pedigree. Remember, some samurai had an aristocratic background and came from royal families; some did not.
Koku and Payment
The economy of medieval Japan was heavily based on its food production. For all the romanticism samurai hold, in truth, samurai history is a tale of those who owned the most farmland. Therefore, those who had the most produce had the most power. This makes the story of the samurai a story of the land and of rice. Originally a samurai family would have owned their lands and, as farmer-warriors, they would have ruled over the farmers of that area. They would have distributed the wealth of that land appropriately. As is always the case when human culture moves to agriculture, a surplus of food develops, and individuals—normally to produce luxury goods—undertake skills and professions and then the population explodes. This population explosion means that the food, which once fed a nation, becomes insufficient. Warriors protect their land from raiding parties, living off any surplus, which exists for as long as they defend it. In short, a samurai had land, families banded together, and production kept the warrior class in their position of power. This gave the population of that area protection. After the wars had taken the country by storm, independent samurai communities were moved to cities and the day of the samurai as a farmer-overlord ended. All land belonged to the shogun, the Tokugawa family. From this high position they distributed the land between other major families—the smaller ones that were once the stock of Japan were absorbed.
The major samurai families distributed the land they were allowed to rule to their warriors, who were paid in “koku.” Koku is a term of measurement that is equal to the amount of rice that feeds a person for one year. Samurai are paid in multiples of this amount—remembering that they have to redistribute this amount to any other samurai families that are under their patronage, at least to others under their control. A samurai of 10,000 koku was considered to be a daimyo warlord—some warlords earned more than 1,000,000 koku—while other samurai earned sums like 5000, 1000, 500, 300, 100, 25 koku, etc. This number is always representative of a part of land that produces that rice. Giving them the actual land that produces the amount could pay samurai, or instead they could be given pay equivalent to the cost of rice itself as an annual wage. To understand the samurai and his payment, imagine that at first, early samurai held their own land. This was in the service and protection of a higher lord, family head, or as independent samurai families. Then as land was swept up by mega-lords, this system was replaced with permission to run farmland or a salary was paid directly to them. In all cases, the samurai is tied to the land and wealth is not far removed from the agricultural world. Food is power. Control of more food gives someone more power. Remember, a samurai could own land that produced food and he would pay people below him with this food. A samurai could also live in a town and be given a salary that was measured by amounts of rice, but delivered to him in monetary form.
The Samurai Army
A samurai army is not a standing army per se in the true sense of the concept. It is more of a conglomerate of promises—but as always, this, too, changes depending on which time period you are looking at. Different samurai periods offer different attitudes and organization. For example, the Edo Period saw what could be considered the closest to a standing army, where samurai are made to live in towns, close to their lord, ready to go to war if they should be called upon. At the height of the Sengoku Period, armies could be said to be regular in use and formation, i.e., on the field and on campaign for extended periods. This resulted in long-standing forces, but this is also a period of defection and changing loyalties. At other times, a samurai army was made up of a union of loyalty; this was an amalgamation of oaths given and sides taken. Before the Edo Period, you must imagine samurai living across Japan, some close to centers of habitation. Imagine still vast numbers of samurai living in fortified manor houses and residences in rural areas, among mountains and farmlands. Those samurai would have sworn loyalty to a warlord, but would live away from any form of court life, managing their own land. These samurai may live in peace for a number of years, they may have skirmishes with other samurai; or even engage in family vendetta and blood feuds. When battle broached the horizon, orders to go to war would be given. The samurai, with equipment prepared, would leave his dwelling and make the journey to where the army was forming up. A knight with his hired (and maybe loyal) troop accompanied him. Together, he and his “squires” and servants would take up their position in the allied forces, under the leadership of a warlord. All of which is a system based on promises and land rights.
The following translations and statistics will help form a better visual understanding of such an army. This will help to solidify the idea of a mass of men coming together under the leadership of a prominent samurai.
Percentages of Distribution in a Samurai Army
A samurai army should not been seen as static. Some factors, such as size and technology, will greatly change. To form an understanding of ratios in military troops, two examples of army percentages are presented below. Remember that there are many varied roles in an army. The following statistics contain only the primary units.
The distribution of military per
sonnel within the Hojo clan in 1572, in numerical order.
♦ 47% Spearmen
♦ 22% Mounted warriors
♦ 11% Samurai on foot
♦ 8% Flag bearers
♦ 6% Musketeers
♦ 3% Archers
♦ 3% Personal standard bearers
The following list is the distribution of military personnel found within the same clan in 1587. Notice the massive increase in the use of firearms, more than doubling in fifteen years.
♦ 27% Spearmen
♦ 19% Mounted warriors
♦ 19% Samurai on foot
♦ 14% Musketeers
♦ 14% Archers
♦ 6% Flag bearers
♦ 1% Personal standard bearers
Numbers Found Within a Samurai Army
It is impossible to answer the question, “How many men were in the average samurai army?” There was no common size and both situation and time period have an impact on the answer—it could range from a light skirmishing force of a few hundred samurai to the epic conflict of the Battle of Sekigahara, where more than 150,000 soldiers took to the field of battle. Remember that a battle can be a mixture of clans coming together and those armies were made up of coalitions of clans. The following example is taken from the Uesugi family and was recorded in 1575.
Samurai and Ninja: The Real Story Behind the Japanese Warrior Myth That Shatters the Bushido Mystique Page 4
